history of the impeachment of andrew johnson-第2部分

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h　additions　from　the　same　quarter　as　would　sweep　our　trade　from　the　sea　and　raise　our　blockade。　We　had　failed　to　elicit　from　European　Governments　anything　hopeful　upon　this　subject。　The　preliminary　Emancipation　Proclamation；　issued　in　September；　was　running　its　assigned　period　to　the　beginning　of　the　new　year。　A　month　later　that　final　proclamation　came；　including　the　announcement　that　colored　men　of　suitable　condition　would　be　received　into　the　army　service。　The　policy　of　emancipation；　and　of　employing　black　soldiers；　gave　to　the　future　a　new　aspect；　about　which　hope　and　fear　and　doubt　contended　in　uncertain　conflict。　According　to　our　political　system；　as　a　matter　of　civil　administration；　the　General　Government　had　no　lawful　power　to　effect　emancipation　in　any　State；　and　for　a　long　time　it　had　been　hoped　that　the　rebellion　could　be　suppressed　without　resorting　to　it　as　a　military　measure。　It　was　all　the　while　deemed　possible　that　the　necessity　for　it　might　come；　and　that；　if　it　should；　the　crisis　of　the　contest　would　then　be　presented。　It　came；　and；　as　was　anticipated；　was　followed　by　dark　and　doubtful　days。　Eleven　months　have　now　passed；　and　we　are　permitted　to　take　another　review。　The　rebel　borders　are　pressed　still　further　back；　and　by　the　complete　opening　of　the　Mississippi　the　country　dominated　by　the　rebellion　is　divided　into　distinct　parts；　with　no　practical　communication　between　them。　Tennessee　and　Arkansas　have　been　substantially　cleared　of　insurgent　control；　and　influential　citizens　in　each；　owners　of　slaves　and　advocates　of　slavery　at　the　beginning　of　the　rebellion；　now　declare　openly　for　emancipation　in　their　respective　States。　Of　those　States　not　included　in　the　Emancipation　Proclamation；　Maryland　and　Missouri；　neither　of　which　three　years　ago　would　tolerate　any　restraint　upon　the　extension　of　slavery　into　the　new　Territories；　only　dispute　now　as　to　the　best　mode　of　removing　it　within　their　own　limits。

Of　those　who　were　slaves　at　the　beginning　of　the　rebellion；　full　one　hundred　thousand　are　now　in　the　United　States　military　service；　about　one　half　of　which　number　actually　bear　arms　in　the　ranks；　thus　giving　the　double　advantage　of　taking　so　much　labor　from　the　insurgent　cause；　and　supplying　the　places　which　must　otherwise　be　filled　with　so　many　white　men。　So　far　as　tested；　it　is　difficult　to　say　they　are　not　as　good　soldiers　as　any。　No　servile　insurrection；　or　tendency　to　violence　or　cruelty；　has　marked　the　measure　of　emancipation　and　arming　the　blacks。　Those　measures　have　been　discussed　in　foreign　countries；　and　contemporary　with　such　discussion　the　tone　of　sentiment　there　is　much　improved。　At　home　the　same　measures　have　been　fully　discussed；　and　supported；　criticised；　and　denounced；　and　the　annual　elections　following　are　highly　encouraging　to　those　whose　official　duty　it　is　to　bear　the　country　through　this　great　trial。　Thus　we　have　the　new　reckoning。　The　crisis　which　threatened　to　divide　the　friends　of　the　Union　is　past。

Looking　now　to　the　present；　and　future；　and　with　reference　to　a　resumption　of　national　authority　within　the　States　wherein　that　authority　has　been　suspended；　I　have　thought　fit　to　issue　a　Proclamation；　a　copy　of　which　is　herewith　transmitted。　On　examination　of　this　Proclamation　it　will　appear；　as　is　believed；　that　nothing　is　attempted　beyond　what　is　amply　justified　by　the　Constitution。　True；　the　form　of　an　oath　is　given；　but　no　man　is　coerced　to　take　it。　The　man　is　only　promised　a　pardon　in　case　he　voluntarily　takes　the　oath。　The　Constitution　authorizes　the　Executive　to　grant　or　withhold　the　pardon　at　his　own　absolute　discretion；　and　this　includes　the　power　to　grant　on　terms；　as　is　fully　established　by　judicial　and　other　authorities。

It　is　also　proffered　that；　if　in　any　of　the　States　named　a　State　Government　shall　be；　in　the　mode　prescribed；　set　up；　such　Government　shall　be　recognized　and　guaranteed　by　the　United　States；　and　that　under　it　the　State　shall；　on　the　constitutional　conditions；　be　protected　against　invasion　and　domestic　violence。　The　constitutional　obligation　of　the　United　States　to　guarantee　to　every　State　in　the　Union　a　republican　form　of　government；　and　to　protect　the　State；　in　the　cases　stated；　is　explicit　and　full。　But　why　tender　the　benefits　of　this　provision　only　to　a　State　Government　set　up　in　this　particular　way？　This　section　contemplates　a　case　wherein　the　element　within　a　State　favorable　to　a　republican　government；　in　the　Union；　may　be　too　feeble　for　an　opposite　and　hostile　external　to　or　even　within　the　State；　and　such　are　precisely　the　cases　with　which　we　are　dealing。

Any　attempt　to　guaranty　and　protect　a　revived　State　Government；　constituted　in　whole；　or　in　preponderating　part；　from　the　very　element　against　whose　hostility　it　is　to　be　protected；　is　simply　absurd。　There　must　be　a　test　by　which　to　separate　the　opposing　elements；　so　as　to　build　only　from　the　sound；　and　that　test　is　a　sufficiently　liberal　one　which　accepts　as　sound　whoever　will　make　a　sworn　recantation　of　his　former　unsoundness。

But　if　it　be　proper　to　require；　as　a　test　of　admission　to　the　political　body；　an　oath　of　allegiance　to　the　Constitution　of　the　United　States；　and　to　the　Union　under　it；　why　also　to　the　laws　and　Proclamation　in　regard　to　slavery？　Those　laws　and　Proclamations　were　enacted　and　put　forth　for　the　purpose　of　aiding　in　the　suppression　of　the　rebellion。　To　give　them　their　fullest　effect；　there　had　to　be　a　pledgefor　their　maintenance。　In　my　judgment　they　have　aided；　and　will　further　aid；　the　cause　for　which　they　were　intended。　To　now　abandon　them　would　be　not　only　to　relinquish　a　lever　of　power；　but　would　also　be　a　cruel　and　an　astounding　breach　of　faith。　I　may　add　at　this　point；　that　while　I　remain　in　my　present　position；　I　shall　not　attempt　to　retract　or　modify　the　Emancipation　Proclamation；　nor　shall　I　return　to　slavery　any　person　who　is　free　by　the　terms　of　the　Proclamation；　or　by　any　of　the　acts　of　Congress。　For　these　and　other　reasons　it　is　thought　best　that　support　of　these　measures　shall　be　included　in　the　oath；　and　it　is　believed　the　Executive　may　lawfully　claim　it　in　return　for　pardon　and　restoration　of　forfeited　rights；　when　he　has　clear　constitutional　power　to　withhold　altogether　or　grant　upon　terms　which　he　shall　deem　wisest　for　the　public　interest。　It　should　be　observed；　also；　that　this　part　of　the　oath　is　subject　to　the　modifying　and　abrogating　power　of　legislation　and　supreme　judicial　decision。

The　proposed　acquiescence　of　the　National　Executive　in　any　reasonable　temporary　State　arrangement　for　the　freed　people　is　made　with　the　view　of　possibly　modifying　the　confusion　and　destitution　which　must；　at　best；　attend　all　classes　by　a　total　revolution　of　labor　throughout　whole　States。　It　is　hoped　that　the　already　deeply　afflicted　people　of　those　States　may　be　somewhat　more　ready　to　give　up　the　cause　of　their　affliction；　if；　to　this　extent；　this　vital　matter　be　left　to　themselves；　while　no　power　of　the　National　Executive　to　prevent　an　abuse　is　abridged　by　the　proposition。

The　suggestion　in　the　Proclamation　as　to　maintaining　the　political　frame…work　of　those　States　on　what　is　called　reconstruction；　is　made　in　the　hope　that　it　may　do　good　without　danger　of　harm。　It　will　save　labor　and　avoid　great　confusion。

But　why　any　proclamation　on　this　subject？　This　question　is　beset　with　the　conflicting　views　that　the　step　might　be　delayed　too　long　or　taken　too　soon。　In　some　States　the　elements　for　resumption　seem　ready　for　action；　but　remain　inactive　apparently　for　want　of　a　rallying　point。　Why　shall　A。　adopt　the　plan　of　B。；　rather　than　B。　that　of　A。？　And　if　A。　and　B。　should　agree；　how　can　they　know　but　that　the　General　Government　here　will　reject　their　plan？　By　the　Proclamation　a　plan　is　presented　which　may　be　accepted　by　them　as　a　rallying　point；　and　which　they　may　be　assured　in　advance　will　not　be　rejected　here。　This　may　bring　them　to　act　sooner　than　they　otherwise　would。

The　objection　to　a　premature　presentation　of　a　plan　by　the　National　Executive　consists　in　the　danger　of　committals　on　points　which　could　be　more　safely　left　to　further　developments。　Care　has　been　taken　to　so　shape　the　document　as　to　avoid　embarrassment　from　this　source。　Saying　that；　on　certain　terms；　certain　classes　will　be　pardoned；　with　rights　restored；　it　is　not　said　that　other　classes　on　other　terms　will　never　be　included。　Saying　that　reconstruction　will　be　accepted　if　presented　in　a　specified　way；　it　is　not　saying　it　will　not　be　accepted　in　any　other　way。

The　movements；　by　State　action；　for　emancipation　in　several　of　the　States　not　included　in　the　Emancipation　Proclamation；　are　matters　of　profound　gratulation；　and　while　I　do　not　repeat　in　detail　what　I　have　heretofore　so　earnestly　urged　upon　this　subject；　my　general　views　and　feelings　remain　unchanged；　and　I　trust　that　Congress　will　omit　no　fair　opportunity　of　aiding　these　important　steps　to　a　great　consummation。

In　the　midst　of　other　cares；　however　important；　we　must　not　lose　sight　of　the　fact　that　the　war　power　is　still　our　main　reliance。　To　that　power　alone　can　we　look；　for　a　time；　to　give　confidence　to　the　people　in　the　contested　regions　that　the　insurgent　power　will　not　again　over…run　them。　Until　that　confidence　shall　be　established；　little　can　be　done　anywhere　for　what　is　called　reconstruction。　Hence　our　chiefest　care　must　still　be　directed　to　the　Army　and　Navy；　who　have　thus　far　borne　their　hardest　part　nobly　and　well。　And　it　may　be　esteemed　fortunate　that　in　giving　the　greatest　efficiency　to　these　indispensable　arms；　we　do　also　honorably　recognize　the　gallant　men；　from　commander　to　sentinel；　who　compose　them；　to　whom；　more　than　to　others；　the　world　must　stand　indebted　for　the　home　of　freedom　disenthralled；　regenerated；　enlarged　and　perpetuated。

Abraham　Lincoln。　December　8；　1863。

The　following　is　the　Proclamation　of　Amnesty　and　Reconstruction　referred　to　in　the　foregoing　Message；　and　further　illustrates　Mr。　Lincoln's　plan　for　the　restoration　of　the　Union：

PROCLAMATION　OF　AMNESTY　AND　RECONSTRUCTION。

BY　THE　PRESIDENT　ON　THE　UNITED　STATES　OF　AMERICA。

Whereas；　in　and　by　the　Constitution　of　the　United　States；　it　is　provided　that　the　President　〃shall　have　the　power　to　grant　reprieves　and　pardons　for　offenses　against　the　United　States；　exce