the armies of labor-第2部分

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n。　And　Carlyle　and　Ruskin；　reading　this　official　record　of　selfishness；　and　knowing　its　truth；　drew　their　powerful　indictments　against　a　society　which　would　permit　its　eight…year…old　daughters；　its　mothers；　and　its　grandmothers；　to　be　locked　up　for　fourteen　hours　a　day　in　dirty；　ill…smelling　factories；　to　release　them　at　night　only　to　find　more　misery　in　the　hovels　they　pitifully　called　home。

The　introduction　of　machinery　into　manufacturing　wrought　vast　changes　also　in　the　organization　of　business。　The　unit　of　industry　greatly　increased　in　size。　The　economies　of　organized　wholesale　production　were　soon　made　apparent；　and　the　tendency　to　increase　the　size　of　the　factory　and　to　amalgamate　the　various　branches　of　industry　under　corporate　control　has　continued　to　the　present。　The　complexity　of　business　operations　also　increased　with　the　development　of　transportation　and　the　expansion　of　the　empire　of　trade。　A　world　market　took　the　place　of　the　old　town　market；　and　the　world　market　necessitated　credit　on　a　new　and　infinitely　larger　scale。

No　less　important　than　the　revolution　in　industry　was　the　revolution　in　economic　theory　which　accompanied　it。　Unlimited　competition　replaced　the　state　paternalism　of　the　mercantilists。　Adam　Smith　in　1776　espoused　the　cause　of　economic　liberty；　believing　that　if　business　and　industry　were　unhampered　by　artificial　restrictions　they　would　work　out　their　own　salvation。　His　pronouncement　was　scarcely　uttered　before　it　became　the　shibboleth　of　statesmen　and　business　men。　The　revolt　of　the　American　colonies　hastened　the　general　acceptance　of　this　doctrine；　and　England　soon　found　herself　committed　to　the　practice　of　every　man　looking　after　his　own　interests。　Freedom　of　contract；　freedom　of　trade；　and　freedom　of　thought　were　vigorous　and　inspiring　but　often　misleading　phrases。　The　processes　of　specialization　and　centralization　that　were　at　work　portended　the　growing　power　of　those　who　possessed　the　means　to　build　factories　and　ships　and　railways　but　not　necessarily　the　freedom　of　the　many。　The　doctrine　of　laissez　faire　assumed　that　power　would　bring　with　it　a　sense　of　responsibility。　For　centuries；　the　old…country　gentry　and　governing　class　of　England　had　shown　an　appreciation　of　their　duties；　as　a　class；　to　those　dependent　upon　them。　But　now　another　class　with　no　benevolent　traditions　of　responsibility　came　into　powerthe　capitalist；　a　parvenu　whose　ambition　was　profit；　not　equity；　and　whose　dealings　with　other　men　were　not　tempered　by　the　amenities　of　the　gentleman　but　were　sharpened　by　the　necessities　of　gain。　It　was　upon　such　a　class；　new　in　the　economic　world　and　endowed　with　astounding　power；　that　Adam　Smith's　new　formularies　of　freedom　were　let　loose。

During　all　these　changes　in　the　economic　order；　the　interest　of　the　laborer　centered　in　one　question：　What　return　would　he　receive　for　his　toil？　With　the　increasing　complexity　of　society；　many　other　problems　presented　themselves　to　the　worker；　but　for　the　most　part　they　were　subsidiary　to　the　main　question　of　wages。　As　long　as　man's　place　was　fixed　by　law　or　custom；　a　customary　wage　left　small　margin　for　controversy。　But　when　fixed　status　gave　way　to　voluntary　contract；　when　payment　was　made　in　money；　when　workmen　were　free　to　journey　from　town　to　town；　labor　became　both　free　and　fluid；　bargaining　took　the　place　of　custom；　and　the　wage　controversy　began　to　assume　definite　proportions。　As　early　as　1348　the　great　plague　became　a　landmark　in　the　field　of　wage　disputes。　So　scarce　had　laborers　become　through　the　ravages　of　the　Black　Death；　that　wages　rose　rapidly；　to　the　alarm　of　the　employers；　who　prevailed　upon　King　Edward　III　to　issue　the　historic　proclamation　of　1349；　directing　that　no　laborer　should　demand　and　no　employer　should　pay　greater　wages　than　those　customary　before　the　plague。　This　early　attempt　to　outmaneuver　an　economic　law　by　a　legal　device　was　only　the　prelude　to　a　long　series　of　labor　laws　which　may　be　said　to　have　culminated　in　the　great　Statute　of　Laborers　of　1562；　regulating　the　relations　of　wage…earner　and　employer　and　empowering　justices　of　the　peace　to　fix　the　wages　in　their　districts。　Wages　steadily　decreased　during　the　two　hundred　years　in　which　this　statute　remained　in　force；　and　poor　laws　were　passed　to　bring　the　succor　which　artificial　wages　made　necessary。　Thus　two　rules　of　arbitrary　government　were　meant　to　neutralize　each　other。　It　is　the　usual　verdict　of　historians　that　the　estate　of　labor　in　England　declined　from　a　flourishing　condition　in　the　fourteenth　and　fifteenth　centuries　to　one　of　great　distress　by　the　time　of　the　Industrial　Revolution。　This　unhappy　decline　was　probably　due　to　several　causes；　among　which　the　most　important　were　the　arbitrary　and　artificial　attempts　of　the　Government　to　keep　down　wages；　the　heavy　taxation　caused　by　wars　of　expansion；　and　the　want　of　coercive　power　on　the　part　of　labor。

》From　the　decline　of　the　guild　system；　which　had　placed　labor　and　its　products　so　completely　in　the　hands　of　the　master　craftsman；　the　workman　had　assumed　no　controlling　part　in　the　labor　bargain。　Such　guilds　and　such　journeyman's　fraternities　as　may　have　survived　were　practically　helpless　against　parliamentary　rigor　and　state　benevolence。　In　the　domestic　stage　of　production；　cohesion　among　workers　was　not　so　necessary。　But　when　the　factory　system　was　substituted　for　the　handicraft　system　and　workers　with　common　interests　were　thrown　together　in　the　towns；　they　had　every　impulsion　towards　organization。　They　not　only　felt　the　need　of　sociability　after　long　hours　spent　in　spiritless　toil　but　they　were　impelled　by　a　new　consciousnessthe　realization　that　an　inevitable　and　profound　change　had　come　over　their　condition。　They　had　ceased　to　be　journeymen　controlling　in　some　measure　their　activities；　they　were　now　merely　wage…earners。　As　the　realization　of　this　adverse　change　came　over　them；　they　began　to　resent　the　unsanitary　and　burdensome　conditions　under　which　they　were　compelled　to　live　and　to　work。　So　actual　grievances　were　added　to　fear　of　what　might　happen；　and　in　their　common　cause　experience　soon　taught　them　unity　of　action。　Parliament　was　petitioned；　agitations　were　organized；　sick…benefits　were　inaugurated；　and　when　these　methods　failed；　machinery　was　destroyed；　factories　were　burned；　and　the　strike　became　a　common　weapon　of　self…defense。

Though　a　few　labor　organizations　can　be　traced　as　far　back　as　1700；　their　growth　during　the　eighteenth　century　was　slow　and　irregular。　There　was　no　unity　in　their　methods；　and　they　were　known　by　many　names；　such　as　associations；　unions；　union　societies；　trade　clubs；　and　trade　societies。　These　societies　had　no　legal　status　and　their　meetings　were　usually　held　in　secret。　And　the　Webbs　in　their　〃History　of　Trade　Unionism〃　allude　to　the　traditions　of　〃the　midnight　meeting　of　patriots　in　the　corner　of　the　field；　the　buried　box　of　records；　the　secret　oath；　the　long　terms　of　imprisonment　of　the　leading　officials。〃　Some　of　these　tales　were　unquestionably　apocryphal；　others　were　exaggerated　by　feverish　repetition。　But　they　indicate　the　aversion　with　which　the　authorities　looked　upon　these　combinations。

There　were　two　legal　doctrines　long　invoked　by　the　English　courts　against　combined　actiondoctrines　that　became　a　heritage　of　the　United　States　and　have　had　a　profound　effect　upon　the　labor　movements　in　America。　The　first　of　these　was　the　doctrine　of　conspiracy；　a　doctrine　so　ancient　that　its　sources　are　obscure。　It　was　the　natural　product　of　a　government　and　of　a　time　that　looked　askance　at　all　combined　action；　fearing　sedition；　intrigue；　and　revolution。　As　far　back　as　1305　there　was　enacted　a　statute　defining　conspiracy　and　outlining　the　offense。　It　did　not　aim　at　any　definite　social　class　but　embraced　all　persons　who　combined　for　a　〃malicious　enterprise。〃　Such　an　enterprise　was　the　breaking　of　a　law。　So　when　Parliament　passed　acts　regulating　wages；　conditions　of　employment；　or　prices　of　commodities；　those　who　combined　secretly　or　openly　to　circumvent　the　act；　to　raise　wages　or　lower　them；　or　to　raise　prices　and　curtail　markets；　at　once　fell　under　the　ban　of　conspiracy。　The　law　operated　alike　on　conspiring　employers　and　conniving　employees。

The　new　class　of　employers　during　the　early　years　of　the　machine　age　eagerly　embraced　the　doctrine　of　conspiracy。　They　readily　brought　under　the　legal　definition　the　secret　connivings　of　the　wage…earners。　Political　conditions　now　also　worked　against　the　laboring　class。　The　unrest　in　the　colonies　that　culminated　in　the　independence　of　America　and　the　fury　of　the　French　Revolution　combined　to　make　kings　and　aristocracies　wary　of　all　organizations　and　associations　of　plain　folk。　And　when　we　add　to　this　the　favor　which　the　new　employing　class；　the　industrial　masters；　were　able　to　extort　from　the　governing　class；　because　of　their　power　over　foreign　trade　and　domestic　finance；　we　can　understand　the　compulsory　laws　at　length　declaring　against　all　combinations　of　working　men。

The　second　legal　doctrine　which　Americans　have　inherited　from　England　and　which　has　played　a　leading　role　in　labor　controversies　is　the　doctrine　that　declares　unlawful　all　combinations　in　restraint　of　trade。　Like　its　twin　doctrine　of　conspiracy；　it　is　of　remote　historical　origin。　One　of　the　earliest　uses；　perhaps　the　first　use；　of　the　term　by　Parliament　was　in　the　statute　of　1436　forbidding　guilds　and　trading　companies　from　adopting　by…laws　〃in　restraint　of　trade；〃　and　forbidding　practices　in　price　manipulations　〃for　their　own　profit　and　to　the　common　hurt　of　the　people。〃　This　doctrine　thus　early　invoked；　and　repeatedly　reasserted　against　combinations　of　traders　and　masters；　was　incorporated　in　the　general　statute　of　1800　which　declared　all　combinations　of　journeymen　illegal。　But　in　spite　of　legal　doctrines；　of　innumerable　laws　and　court　decisions；　strikes　and　combinations　multiplied；　and　devices　were　found　for　evading　statutory　wages。

In　1824　an　act　of　Parliament　removed　the　general　prohibition　of　combinations　and　accorded　to　workingmen　the　right　to　bargain　collectively。　Three　men　were　responsible　for　this　noteworthy　reform；　each　one　a　new　type　in　British　politics。　The　first　was　Francis　Place；　a　tailor　who　had　taken　active　part　in　various　strikes。　He　was　secretary　of　the　London　Co