the armies of labor-第22部分

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ion。

A　less　conspicuous　but　none　the　less　effective　weapon　in　the　hands　of　labor　is　the　boycott；*　which　is　carried　by　some　of　the　unions　to　a　terrible　perfection。　It　reached　its　greatest　power　in　the　decade　between　1881　and　1891。　Though　it　was　aimed　at　a　great　variety　of　industries；　it　seemed　to　be　peculiarly　effective　in　the　theater；　hotel；　restaurant；　and　publishing　business；　and　in　the　clothing　and　cigar　trades。　For　sheer　arbitrary　coerciveness；　nothing　in　the　armory　of　the　union　is　so　effective　as　the　boycott。　A　flourishing　business　finds　its　trade　gone　overnight。　Leading　customers　withdraw　their　patronage　at　the　union's　threat。　The　alert　picket　is　the　harbinger　of　ruin；　and　the　union　black　list　is　as　fraught　with　threat　as　the　black　hand。

*　In　1880；　Lord　Erne；　an　absentee　Irish　landlord；　sent　Captain　Boycott　to　Connemara　to　subdue　his　irate　tenants。　The　people　of　the　region　refused　to　have　any　intercourse　whatever　with　the　agent　or　his　family。　And　social　and　business　ostracism　has　since　been　known　as　the　boycott。


The　New　York　Bureau　of　Statistics　of　Labor　has　shown　that　during　the　period　of　eight　years　between　1885　and　1892　there　were　1352　boycotts　in　New　York　State　alone。　A　sort　of　terrorism　spread　among　the　tradespeople　of　the　cities。　But　the　unions　went　too　far。　Instances　of　gross　unfairness　aroused　public　sympathy　against　the　boycotters。　In　New　York　City；　for　instance；　a　Mrs。　Grey　operated　a　small　bakery　with　nonunion　help。　Upon　her　refusal　to　unionize　her　shop　at　the　command　of　the　walking　delegate；　her　customers　were　sent　the　usual　boycott　notice；　and　pickets　were　posted。　Her　delivery　wagons　were　followed；　and　her　customers　were　threatened。　Grocers　selling　her　bread　were　systematically　boycotted。　All　this　persecution　merely　aroused　public　sympathy　for　Mrs。　Grey；　and　she　found　her　bread　becoming　immensely　popular。　The　boycotters　then　demanded　2500　for　paying　their　boycott　expenses。　When　news　of　this　attempt　at　extortion　was　made　public；　it　heightened　the　tide　of　sympathy；　the　courts　took　up　the　matter；　and　the　boycott　failed。　The　New　York　Boycotter；　a　journal　devoted　to　this　form　of　coercion；　declared：　〃In　boycotting　we　believe　it　to　be　legitimate　to　strike　a　man　financially；　socially；　or　politically。　We　believe　in　hitting　him　where　it　will　hurt　the　most；　we　believe　in　remorselessly　crowding　him　to　the　wall；　but　when　he　is　down；　instead　of　striking　him；　we　would　lift　him　up　and　stand　him　once　more　on　his　feet。〃　When　the　boycott　thus　enlisted　the　aid　of　blackmail；　it　was　doomed　in　the　public　esteem。　Boycott　indictments　multiplied；　and　in　one　year　in　New　York　City　alone；　over　one　hundred　leaders　of　such　attempts　at　coercion　were　sentenced　to　imprisonment。

The　boycott；　however；　was　not　laid　aside　as　a　necessary　weapon　of　organized　labor　because　it　had　been　abused　by　corrupt　or　overzealous　unionists；　nor　because　it　had　been　declared　illegal　by　the　courts。　All　the　resources　of　the　more　conservative　unions　and　of　the　American　Federation　of　Labor　have　been　enlisted　to　make　it　effective　in　extreme　instances　where　the　strike　has　failed。　This　application　of　the　method　can　best　be　illustrated　by　the　two　most　important　cases　of　boycott　in　our　history；　the　Buck's　Stove　and　Range　case　and　the　Danbury　Hatters'　case。　Both　were　fought　through　the　Federal　courts；　with　the　defendants　backed　by　the　American　Federation　and　opposed　by　the　Anti…Boycott　Association；　a　federation　of　employers。

The　Buck's　Stove　and　Range　Company　of　St。　Louis　incurred　the　displeasure　of　the　Metal　Polishers'　Union　by　insisting　upon　a　ten…hour　day。　On　August　27；　1906；　at　five　o'clock　in　the　afternoon；　on　a　prearranged　signal；　the　employees　walked　out。　They　returned　to　work　the　next　morning　and　all　were　permitted　to　take　their　accustomed　places　except　those　who　had　given　the　signal。　They　were　discharged。　At　five　o'clock　that　afternoon　the　men　put　aside　their　work；　and　the　following　morning　reappeared。　Again　the　men　who　had　given　the　signal　were　discharged；　and　the　rest　went　to　work。　The　union　then　sent　notice　to　the　foreman　that　the　discharged　men　must　be　reinstated　or　that　all　would　quit。　A　strike　ensued　which　soon　led　to　a　boycott　of　national　proportions。　It　spread　from　the　local　to　the　St。　Louis　Central　Trades　and　Labor　Union　and　to　the　Metal　Polishers'　Union。　In　1907　the　executive　council　of　the　American　Federation　of　Labor　officially　placed　the　Buck's　Stove　and　Range　Company　on　the　unfair　list　and　gave　this　action　wide　and　conspicuous　circulation　in　The　Federationist。　This　boycott　received　further　impetus　from　the　action　of　the　Mine　Workers；　who　in　their　Annual　Convention　resolved　that　the　Buck's　Stove　and　Range　Company　be　put　on　the　unfair　list　and　that　〃any　member　of　the　United　Mine　Workers　of　America　purchasing　a　stove　of　above　make　be　fined　5。00　and　failing　to　pay　the　same　be　expelled　from　the　organization。〃

Espionage　became　so　efficient　and　letters　from　old　customers　withdrawing　patronage　became　so　numerous　and　came　from　so　wide　a　range　of　territory　that　the　company　found　itself　rapidly　nearing　ruin。　An　injunction　was　secured；　enjoining　the　American　Federation　from　blacklisting　the　company。　The　labor　journals　circumvented　this　mandate　by　publishing　in　display　type　the　statement　that　〃It　is　unlawful　for　the　American　Federation　of　Labor　to　boycott　Buck's　Stoves　and　Ranges；〃　and　then　in　small　type　adroitly　recited　the　news　of　the　court's　decision　in　such　a　way　that　the　reader　would　see　at　a　glance　that　the　company　was　under　union　ban。　These　evasions　of　the　court's　order　were　interpreted　as　contempt；　and　in　punishment　the　officers　of　the　Federation　were　sentenced　to　imprisonment：　Frank　Morrison　for　six　months；　John　Mitchell　for　nine　months；　Samuel　Gompers　for　twelve　months。　But　a　technicality　intervened　between　the　leaders　and　the　cells　awaiting　them。　The　public　throughout　the　country　had　followed　the　course　of　this　case　with　mingled　feelings　of　sympathy　and　disfavor；　and　though　the　boycott　had　never　met　with　popular　approval；　on　the　whole　the　public　was　relieved　to　learn　that　the　jail…sentences　were　not　to　be　served。

The　Danbury　Hatters'　boycott　was　brought　on　in　1903　by　the　attempt　of　the　Hatters'　Union　to　make　a　closed　shop　of　a　manufacturing　concern　in　Danbury；　Connecticut。　The　unions　moved　upon　Danbury；　flushed　with　two　recent　victoriesone　in　Philadelphia；　where　an　important　hat　factory　had　agreed　to　the　closed　shop　after　spending　some　40；000　in　fighting；　and　another　at　Orange；　New　Jersey；　where　a　manufacturer　had　spent　25；000。　But　as　the　Danbury　concern　was　determined　to　fight　the　union；　in　1902　a　nationwide　boycott　was　declared。　The　company　then　brought　suit　against　members　of　the　union　in　the　United　States　District　Court。　Injunction　proceedings　reached　the　Supreme　Court　of　the　United　States　on　a　demurrer；　and　in　February；　1908；　the　court　declared　that　the　Sherman　Anti…Trust　Law　forbade　interstate　boycotts。　The　case　then　returned　to　the　original　court　for　trial。　Testimony　was　taken　in　many　States；　and　after　a　trial　lasting　twelve　weeks　the　jury　assessed　the　damages　to　the　plaintiff　at　74；000。　On　account　of　error；　the　case　was　remanded　for　re…trial　in　1911。　At　the　second　trial　the　jury　gave　the　plaintiff　a　verdict　for　80；000；　the　full　amount　asked。　According　to　the　law；　this　amount　was　trebled；　leaving　the　judgment；　with　costs　added；　at　252；000。　The　Supreme　Court　having　sustained　the　verdict；　the　puzzling　question　of　how　to　collect　it　arose。　As　such　funds　as　the　union　had　were　invulnerable　to　process；　the　savings　bank　accounts　of　the　individual　defendants　were　attached。　The　union　insisted　that　the　defendants　were　not　taxable　for　accrued　interest；　and　the　United　States　Supreme　Court；　now　appealed　to　for　a　third　time；　sustained　the　plaintiff's　contention。　In　this　manner　60；000　were　obtained。　Foreclosure　proceedings　were　then　begun　against　one　hundred　and　forty　homes　belonging　to　union　men　in　the　towns　of　Danbury；　Norwalk；　and　Bethel。　The　union　boasted　that　this　sale　would　prove　only　an　incubus　to　the　purchasers；　for　no　one　would　dare　occupy　the　houses　sold　under　such　circumstances。　In　the　meantime　the　American　Federation；　which　had　financed　the　litigation；　undertook　to　raise　the　needed　sum　by　voluntary　collection　and　made　Gompers's　birthday　the　occasion　for　a　gift　to　the　Danbury　local。　The　Federation　insisted　that　the　houses　be　sold　on　foreclosure　and　that　the　collected　money　be　used　not　as　a　prior　settlement　but　as　an　indemnity　to　the　individuals　thus　deprived　of　their　homes。　Rancor　gave　way　to　reason；　however；　and　just　before　the　day　fixed　for　the　foreclosure　sale　the　matter　was　settled。　In　all；　235；000　was　paid　in　damages　by　the　union　to　the　company。　In　the　fourteen　years　during　which　this　contest　was　waged；　about　forty　defendants；　one　of　the　plaintiffs；　and　eight　judges　who　had　passed　on　the　controversy；　died。　The　outcome　served　as　a　spur　to　the　Federation　in　hastening　through　Congress　the　Clayton　bill　of　1914；　designed　to　place　labor　unions　beyond　the　reach　of　the　anti…trust　laws。

The　union　label　has　in　more　recent　years　achieved　importance　as　a　weapon　in　union　warfare。　This　is　a　mark　or　device　denoting　a　union…made　article。　It　might　be　termed　a　sort　of　labor　union　trademark。　Union　men　are　admonished　to　favor　the　goods　so　marked；　but　it　was　not　until　national　organizations　were　highly　perfected　that　the　label　could　become　of　much　practical　value。　It　is　a　device　of　American　invention　and　was　first　used　by　the　cigar　makers　in　1874。　In　1880　their　national　body　adopted　the　now　familiar　blue　label　and；　with　great　skill　and　perseverance　and　at　a　considerable　outlay　of　money；　has　pushed　its　union…made　ware；　in　the　face　of　sweat…shop　competition；　of　the　introduction　of　cigar　making　machinery；　and　of　fraudulent　imitation。　Gradually　other　unions　making　products　of　common　consumption　adopted　labels。　Conspicuous　among　these　were　the　garment　makers；　the　hat　makers；　the　shoe　makers；　and　the　brewery　workers。　As　the　value　of　the　label　manifestly　depends　upon　the　trade　it　entices；　the　unions　are　careful　to　emphasize　the　sanitary　conditions　and　good　workmanship　which　a　label　represents。

The　application　of　the　label　is　being　rapidly　extended。　Building　materials　are　now　in　many　large　cities　under　label　domination。　In　Chicago　the　bricklayers　have