the armies of labor-第27部分

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　is　to　lead　the　ranks　of　labor　into　the　Canaan　of　industrial　bliss。



CHAPTER　X。　LABOR　AND　POLITICS

In　a　democracy　it　is　possible　for　organized　labor　to　extend　its　influence　far　beyond　the　confines　of　a　mere　trade　policy。　It　can　move　the　political　mechanism　directly　in　proportion　to　its　capacity　to　enlist　public　opinion。　It　is　not　surprising；　therefore；　to　find　that　labor　is　eager　to　take　part　in　politics　or　that　labor　parties　were　early　organized。　They　were；　however；　doomed　to　failure；　for　no　workingman's　party　can　succeed；　except　in　isolated　localities；　without　the　cooperation　of　other　social　and　political　forces。　Standing　alone　as　a　political　entity；　labor　has　met　only　rebuff　and　defeat　at　the　hands　of　the　American　voter。

The　earlier　attempts　at　direct　political　action　were　local。　In　Philadelphia　a　workingman's　party　was　organized　in　1828　as　a　result　of　the　disappointment　of　the　Mechanics'　Union　at　its　failure　to　achieve　its　ambitions　by　strikes。　At　a　public　meeting　it　was　resolved　to　support　only　such　candidates　for　the　legislature　and　city　council　as　would　pledge　themselves　to　the　interests　of　〃the　working　classes。〃　The　city　was　organized；　and　a　delegate　convention　was　called　which　nominated　a　ticket　of　thirty　candidates　for　city　and　county　offices。　But　nineteen　of　these　nominees　were　also　on　the　Jackson　ticket；　and　ten　on　the　Adams　ticket；　and　both　of　these　parties　used　the　legend　〃Working　Man's　Ticket；〃　professing　to　favor　a　shorter　working　day。　The　isolated　labor　candidates　received　only　from　229　to　539　votes；　while　the　Jackson　party　vote　ranged　from　3800　to　7000　and　the　Adams　party　vote　from　2500　to　3800。　So　that　labor's　first　excursion　into　politics　revealed　the　eagerness　of　the　older　parties　to　win　the　labor　vote；　and　the　futility　of　relying　on　a　separate　organization；　except　for　propaganda　purposes。

Preparatory　to　their　next　campaign；　the　workingmen　organized　political　clubs　in　all　the　wards　of　Philadelphia。　In　1829　they　nominated　thirty…two　candidates　for　local　offices；　of　whom　nine　received　the　endorsement　of　the　Federalists　and　three　that　of　the　Democrats。　The　workingmen　fared　better　in　this　election；　polling　nearly　2000　votes　in　the　county　and　electing　sixteen　candidates。　So　encouraged　were　they　by　this　success　that　they　attempted　to　nominate　a　state　ticket；　but　the　dominant　parties　were　too　strong。　In　1831　the　workingmen's　candidates；　who　were　not　endorsed　by　the　older　parties；　received　less　than　400　votes　in　Philadelphia。　After　this　year　the　party　vanished。

New　York　also　early　had　an　illuminating　experience　in　labor　politics。　In　1829　the　workingmen　of　the　city　launched　a　political　venture　under　the　immediate　leadership　of　an　agitator　by　the　name　of　Thomas　Skidmore。　Skidmore　set　forth　his　social　panacea　in　a　book　whose　elongated　title　betrays　his　secret：　〃The　Rights　of　Man　to　Property！　Being　a　Proposition　to　Make　it　Equal　among　the　Adults　of　the　Present　Generation；　and　to　Provide　for　its　Equal　Transmission　to　Every　Individual　of　Each　Succeeding　Generation；　on　Arriving　at　the　Age　of　Maturity。〃　The　party　manifesto　began　with　the　startling　declaration　that　〃all　human　society；　our　own　as　well　as　every　other；　is　constructed　radically　wrong。〃　The　new　party　proposed　to　right　this　defect　by　an　equal　distribution　of　the　land　and　by　an　elaborate　system　of　public　education。　Associated　with　Skidmore　were　Robert　Dale　Owen　and　Frances　Wright　of　the　〃Free　Enquirer；〃　a　paper　advocating　all　sorts　of　extreme　social　and　economic　doctrines。　It　was　not　strange；　therefore；　that　the　new　party　was　at　once　connected；　in　the　public　mind；　with　all　the　erratic　vagaries　of　these　Apostles　of　Change。　It　was　called　the　〃Fanny　Wright　ticket〃　and　the　〃Infidel　Ticket。〃　Every　one　forgot　that　it　aimed　to　be　the　workingman's　ticket。　The　movement；　however；　was　supported　by　〃The　Working　Man's　Advocate；〃　a　new　journal　that　soon　reached　a　wide　influence。

There　now　appeared　an　eccentric　Quaker；　Russell　Comstock　by　name；　to　center　public　attention　still　more　upon　the　new　party。　As　a　candidate　for　the　legislature；　he　professed　an　alarmingly　advanced　position；　for　he　believed　that　the　State　ought　to　establish　free　schools　where　handicrafts　and　morals；　but　not　religion；　should　be　taught；　that　husband　and　wife　should　be　equals　before　the　law；　that　a　mechanics'　lien　and　bankruptcy　law　should　be　passed；　and　that　by　wise　graduations　all　laws　for　the　collection　of　debts　should　be　repealed。　At　a　meeting　held　at　the　City　Hall；　for　the　further　elucidation　of　his　〃pure　Republicanism；〃　he　was　greeted　by　a　great　throng　but　was　arrested　for　disturbing　the　peace。　He　received　less　than　one　hundred　and　fifty　votes；　but　his　words　went　far　to　excite；　on　the　one　hand；　the　interest　of　the　laboring　classes　in　reform；　and；　on　the　other　hand；　the　determination　of　the　conservative　classes　to　defeat　〃a　ticket　got　up　openly　and　avowedly；〃　as　one　newspaper　said；　〃in　opposition　to　all　banks；　in　opposition　to　social　order；　in　opposition　to　rights　of　property。〃

Elections　at　this　time　lasted　three　days。　On　the　first　day　there　was　genuine　alarm　at　the　large　vote　cast　for　〃the　Infidels。〃　Thoughtful　citizens　were　importuned　to　go　to　the　polls；　and　on　the　second　and　third　days　they　responded　in　sufficient　numbers　to　compass　the　defeat　of　the　entire　ticket；　excepting　only　one　candidate　for　the　legislature。

The　Workingman's　party　contained　too　many　zealots　to　hold　together。　After　the　election　of　1829　a　meeting　was　called　to　revise　the　party　platform。　The　more　conservative　element　prevailed　and　omitted　the　agrarian　portions　of　the　platform。　Skidmore；　who　was　present；　attempted　to　protest；　but　his　voice　was　drowned　by　the　clamor　of　the　audience。　He　then　started　a　party　of　his　own；　which　he　called　the　Original　Workingman's　party　but　which　became　known　as　the　Agrarian　party。　The　majority　endeavored　to　rectify　their　position　in　the　community　by　an　address　to　the　people。　〃We　take　this　opportunity；〃　they　said；　〃to　aver；　whatever　may　be　said　to　the　contrary　by　ignorant　or　designing　individuals　or　biased　presses；　that　we　have　no　desire　or　intention　of　disturbing　the　rights　of　property　in　individuals　or　the　public。〃　In　the　meantime　Robert　Dale　Owen　and　Fanny　Wright　organized　a　party　of　their　own；　endorsing　an　extreme　form　of　state　paternalism　over　children。　This　State　Guardianship　Plan；　as　it　was　called；　aimed　to　〃regenerate　America　in　a　generation〃　and　to　〃make　but　one　class　out　of　the　many　that　now　envy　and　despise　each　other。〃

There　were；　then；　three　workingmen's　parties　in　New　York；　none　of　which；　however；　succeeded　in　gaining　an　influential　position　in　state　politics。　After　1830　all　these　parties　disappeared；　but　not　without　leaving　a　legacy　of　valuable　experience。　〃The　Working　Man's　Advocate〃　discovered　political　wisdom　when　it　confessed　that　〃whether　these　measures　are　carried　by　the　formation　of　a　new　party；　by　the　reform　of　an　old　one；　or　by　the　abolishment　of　party　altogether；　is　of　comparative　unimportance。〃

In　New　England；　the　workingmen's　political　endeavors　were　joined　with　those　of　the　farmers　under　the　agency　of　the　New　England　Association　of　Farmers；　Mechanics；　and　Workingmen。　This　organization　was　initiated　in　1830　by　the　workingmen　of　Woodstock；　Vermont；　and　their　journal；　the　〃Working　Man's　Gazette；〃　became　a　medium　of　agitation　which　affected　all　the　New　England　manufacturing　towns　as　well　as　many　farming　communities。　〃Woodstock　meetings；〃　as　they　were　called；　were　held　everywhere　and　aroused　both　workingmen　and　farmers　to　form　a　new　political　party。　〃The　Springfield　Republican〃　summarized　the　demands　of　the　new　party　thus：

〃The　avowed　objects　generally　seem　to　be　to　abolish　imprisonment　for　debt；　the　abolishment　of　litigation；　and　in　lieu　thereof　the　settlement　of　disputes　by　reference　to　neighbors；　to　establish　some　more　equal　and　universal　system　of　public　education；　to　diminish　the　salaries　and　extravagance　of　public　officers；　to　support　no　men　for　offices　of　public　trust；　but　farmers；　mechanics；　and　what　the　party　call　〃working　men〃；　and　to　elevate　the　character　of　this　class　by　mental　instruction　and　mental　improvement　。　。　。　。　Much　is　said　against　the　wealth　and　aristocracy　of　the　land；　their　influence；　and　the　undue　influence　of　lawyers　and　other　professional　men　。　。　。　。　The　most　of　these　objects　appear　very　well　on　paper　and　we　believe　they　are　already　sustained　by　the　good　sense　of　the　people　。　。　。　。　What　is　most　ridiculous　about　this　party　is；　that　in　many　places　where　the　greatest　noise　is　made　about　it；　the　most　indolent　and　most　worthless　persons；　men　of　no　trade　or　useful　occupation　have　taken　the　lead。　We　cannot　of　course　answer　for　the　character　for　industry　of　many　places　where　this　party　is　agitated：　but　we　believe　the　great　body　of　our　own　community；　embracing　every　class　and　profession；　may　justly　be　called　workingmen：　nor　do　we　believe　enough　can　be　found　who　are　not　such；　to　make　even　a　decent　party　of　drones。〃

In　the　early　thirties　many　towns　and　cities　in　Massachusetts；　Vermont；　Maine；　Connecticut；　and　Rhode　Island　elected　workingmen's　candidates　to　local　offices；　usually　with　the　help　of　small　tradespeople。　In　1833　and　1834　the　workingmen　of　Massachusetts　put　a　state　ticket　in　the　field　which　polled　about　2000　votes；　and　in　Boston　a　workingman's　party　was　organized；　but　it　did　not　gather　much　momentum　and　soon　disappeared。

These　local　and　desultory　attempts　at　forming　a　separate　labor　party　failed　as　partisan　movements。　The　labor　leader　proved　an　inefficient　amateur　when　matched　against　the　shrewd　and　experienced　party　manipulator；　nor　was　there　a　sufficient　class　homogeneity　to　keep　the　labor　vote　together；　and；　even　if　it　had　so　been　united；　there　were　not　enough　labor　votes　to　make　a　majority。　So　the　labor　candidate　had　to　rely　on　the　good　will　of　other　classes　in　order　to　win　his　election。　And　this　support　was　not　forthcoming。　Americans　have；　thus　far；　always　looked　with　suspicion　upon　a　party　that　represented　primarily　the　interests　of　only　one　class。　This　tendency　shows　a　healthy　instinct　founded　upon　the　fundamental　conception　of　society　as　a　great　unity　whose　life　and　progress　depend　upon　the　freedom　of　all　its　diverse　parts。

It　is　not　necessary　to　assume；　as　some　observers　have　done；　that　these　petty　political　excursion