the armies of labor-第30部分

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lass　for　the　cause。　On　January　1；　1912；　over　three　hundred　towns　and　cities　had　one　or　more　Socialist　officers。　The　estimated　Socialist　vote　of　these　localities　was　1；500；000。　The　1039　Socialist　officers　included　56　mayors；　205　aldermen　and　councilmen；　and　148　school　officers。　This　was　not　a　sectional　vote　but　represented　New　England　and　the　far　West；　the　oldest　commonwealths　and　the　newest；　the　North　and　the　South；　and　cities　filled　with　foreign　workingmen　as　well　as　staid　towns　controlled　by　retired　farmers　and　shopkeepers。

When　the　United　States　entered　the　Great　War；　the　Socialist　party　became　a　reservoir　for　all　the　unsavory　disloyalties　loosened　by　the　shock　of　the　great　conflict。　Pacifists　and　pro…Germans　found　a　common　refuge　under　its　red　banner。　In　the　New　York　mayoralty　elections　in　1917　these　Socialists　cast　nearly　one…fourth　of　the　votes；　and　in　the　Wisconsin　senatorial　election　in　1918　Victor　Bergen；　their　standard…bearer；　swept　Milwaukee；　carried　seven　counties；　and　polled　over　one　hundred　thousand　votes。　On　the　other　hand；　a　large　number　of　American　Socialists；　under　the　leadership　of　William　English　Walling　and　John　Spargo；　vigorously　espoused　the　national　cause　and　subordinated　their　economic　and　political　theories　to　their　loyalty。

The　Socialists　have　repeatedly　attempted　to　make　official　inroads　upon　organized　labor。　They　have　the　sympathy　of　the　I。W。W。；　the　remnant　of　the　Knights　of　Labor；　and　the　more　radical　trades　unions；　but　from　the　American　Federation　of　Labor…they　have　met　only　rebuff。　A　number　of　state　federations；　especially　in　the　Middle　West；　not　a　few　city　centrals；　and　some　sixteen　national　unions；　have　officially　approved　of　the　Socialist　programme；　but　the　Federation　has　consistently　refused　such　an　endorsement。

The　political　tactics　assumed　by　the　Federation　discountenance　a　distinct　labor　party　movement；　as　long　as　the　old　parties　are　willing　to　subserve　the　ends　of　the　unions。　This　self…restraint　does　not　mean　that　the　Federation　is　not　〃in　politics。〃　On　the　contrary；　it　is　constantly　vigilant　and　aggressive　and　it　engages　every　year　in　political　maneuvers　without；　however；　having　a　partisan　organization　of　its　own。　At　its　annual　conventions　it　has　time　and　again　urged　local　and　state　branches　to　scrutinize　the　records　of　legislative　candidates　and　to　see　that　only　friends　of　union　labor　receive　the　union　laborer's　ballot。　In　1897　it　〃firmly　and　unequivocally〃　favored　〃the　independent　use　of　the　ballot　by　trade　unionists　and　workmen　united　regardless　of　party；　that　we　may　elect　men　from　our　own　ranks　to　write　new　laws　and　administer　them　along　lines　laid　down　in　the　legislative　demands　of　the　American　Federation　of　Labor　and　at　the　same　time　secure　an　impartial　judiciary　that　will　not　govern　us　by　arbitrary　injunctions　of　the　courts；　nor　act　as　the　pliant　tool　of　corporate　wealth。〃　And　in　1906　it　determined；　first；　to　defeat　all　candidates　who　are　either　hostile　or　indifferent　to　labor's　demands；　second；　if　neither　party　names　such　candidates；　then　to　make　independent　labor　nominations；　third；　in　every　instance　to　support　〃the　men　who　have　shown　themselves　to　be　friendly　to　labor。〃

With　great　astuteness；　perseverance；　and　alertness；　the　Federation　has　pursued　this　method　to　its　uttermost　possibilities。　In　Washington　it　has　met　with　singular　success；　reaching　a　high…water　mark　in　the　first　Wilson　Administration；　with　the　passage　of　the　Clayton　bill　and　the　eight…hour　railroad　bill。　After　this　action；　a　great　New　York　daily　lamented　that　〃Congress　is　a　subordinate　branch　of　the　American　Federation　of　Labor。。。The　unsleeping　watchmen　of　organized　labor　know　how　intrepid　most　Congressmen　are　when　threatened　with　the　'labor　vote。'　The　American　laborites　don't　have　to　send　men　to　Congress　as　their　British　brethren　do　to　the　House　of　Commons。　From　the　galleries　they　watch　the　proceedings。　They　are　mighty　in　committee　rooms。　They　reason　with　the　recalcitrant。　They　fight　opponents　in　their　Congress　districts。　There　are　no　abler　or　more　potent　politicians　than　the　labor　leaders　out　of　Congress。　Why　should　rulers　like　Mr。　Gompers　and　Mr。　Furuseth*　go　to　Congress？　They　are　a　Super…Congress。〃

*　Andrew　Furuseth；　the　president　of　the　Seamen's　Union　and　reputed　author　of　the　Seaman's　Act　of　1915。


Many　Congressmen　have　felt　the　retaliatory　power　of　the　Federation。　Even　such　powerful　leaders　as　Congressman　Littlefield　of　Maine　and　Speaker　Cannon　were　compelled　to　exert　their　utmost　to　overcome　union　opposition。　The　Federation　has　been　active　in　seating　union　men　in　Congress。　In　1908　there　were　six　union　members　in　the　House；　in　1910　there　were　ten；　in　1912　there　were　seventeen。　The　Secretary　of　Labor　himself　holds　a　union　card。　Nor　has　the　Federation　shrunk　from　active　participation　in　the　presidential　lists。　It　bitterly　opposed　President　Roosevelt　when　he　espoused　the　open　shop　in　the　Government　Printing　Office；　and　in　1908　it　openly　espoused　the　Democratic　ticket。

In　thus　maintaining　a　sort　of　grand　partisan　neutrality；　the　Federation　not　only　holds　in　numerous　instances　the　balance　of　power　but　it　makes　party　fealty　its　slave　and　avoids　the　costly　luxury　of　maintaining　a　separate　national　organization　of　its　own。　The　all…seeing　lobby　which　it　maintains　at　Washington　is　a　prototype　of　what　one　may　discern　in　most　state　capitals　when　the　legislature　is　in　session。　The　legislative　programmes　adopted　by　the　various　state　labor　bodies　are　metamorphosed　into　demands；　and　well　organized　committees　are　present　to　cooperate　with　the　labor　members　who　sit　in　the　legislature。　The　unions；　through　their　steering　committee；　select　with　caution　the　members　who　are　to　introduce　the　labor　bills　and　watch　paternally　over　every　stage　in　the　progress　of　a　measure。

Most　of　this　legislative　output　has　been　strictly　protective　of　union　interests。　Labor；　like　all　other　interests　that　aim　to　use　the　power　of　government；　has　not　been　wholly　altruistic；　in　its　motives；　especially　since　in　recent　years　it　has　found　itself　matched　against　such　powerful　organizations　of　employers　as　the　Manufacturers'　Association；　the　National　Erectors'　Association；　and　the　Metal　Trades　Association。　In　fact；　in　nearly　every　important　industry　the　employers　have　organized　for　defensive　and　offensive　purposes。　These　organizations　match　committee　with　committee；　lobby　with　lobby；　add　espionage　to　open　warfare；　and　issue　effective　literature　in　behalf　of　their　open　shop　propaganda。

The　voluminous　labor　codes　of　such　great　manufacturing　communities　as　Massachusetts；　New　York；　Pennsylvania；　and　Illinois；　reflect　a　new　and　enlarged　conception　of　the　modern　State。　Labor　has　generally　favored　measures　that　extend　the　inquisitional　and　regulative　functions　of　the　State；　excepting　where　this　extension　seemed　to　interfere　with　the　autonomy　of　labor　itself。　Workshops；　mines；　factories；　and　other　places　of　employment　are　now　minutely　inspected；　and　innumerable　sanitary　and　safety　provisions　are　enforced。　A　workman's　compensation　law　removes　from　the　employee's　mind　his　anxiety　for　the　fate　of　his　family　if　he　should　be　disabled。　The　labor　contract；　long　extolled　as　the　aegis　of　economic　liberty；　is　no　longer　free　from　state　vigilance。　The　time　and　method　of　paying　wages　are　ordered　by　the　State；　and　in　certain　industries　the　hours　of　labor　are　fixed　by　law。　Women　and　children　are　the　special　proteges　of　this　new　State；　and　great　care　is　taken　that　they　shall　be　engaged　only　in　employment　suitable　to　their　strength　and　under　an　environment　that　will　not　ruin　their　health。

The　growing　social　control　of　the　individual　is　significant；　for　it　is　not　only　the　immediate　conditions　of　labor　that　have　come　under　public　surveillance。　Where　and　how　the　workman　lives　is　no　longer　a　matter　of　indifference　to　the　public；　nor　what　sort　of　schooling　his　children　get；　what　games　they　play；　and　what　motion　pictures　they　see。　The　city；　in　cooperation　with　the　State；　now　provides　nurses；　dentists；　oculists；　and　surgeons；　as　well　as　teachers　for　the　children。　This　local　paternalism　increases　yearly　in　its　solicitude　and　receives　the　eager　sanction　of　the　labor　members　of　city　councils。　The　State　has　also　set　up　elaborate　machinery　for　observing　all　phases　of　the　labor　situation　and　for　gathering　statistics　and　other　information　that　should　be　helpful　in　framing　labor　laws；　and　has　also　established　state　employment　agencies　and　boards　of　conciliation　and　arbitration。

This　machinery　of　mediation　is　significant　not　because　of　what　it　has　already　accomplished　but　as　evidence　of　the　realization　on　the　part　of　the　State　that　labor　disputes　are　not　merely　the　concern　of　the　two　parties　to　the　labor　contract。　Society　has　finally　come　to　realize　that；　in　the　complex　of　the　modern　State；　it　also　is　vitally　concerned；　and；　in　despair　at　thousands　of　strikes　every　year；　with　their　wastage　and　their　aftermath　of　bitterness；　it　has　attempted　to　interpose　its　good　offices　as　mediator。

The　modern　labor　laws　cannot　be　credited；　however；　to　labor　activity　alone。　The　new　social　atmosphere　has　provided　a　congenial　milieu　for　this　vast　extension　of　state　functions。　The　philanthropist；　the　statistician；　and　the　sociologist　have　become　potent　allies　of　the　labor　legislator；　and　such　non…labor　organizations；　as　the　American　Association　for　Labor　Legislation；　have　added　their　momentum　to　the　movement。　New　ideals　of　social　cooperation　have　been　established；　and　new　conceptions　of　the　responsibilities　of　private　ownership　have　been　evolved。

While　labor　organizations　have　succeeded　rather　readily　in　bending　the　legislative　power　to　their　wishes；　the　military　arm　of　the　executive　and　the　judiciary　which　ultimately　enforce　the　command　of　the　State　have　been　beyond　their　reach。　To　bend　these　branches　of　the　government　to　its　will；　organized　labor　has　fought　a　persistent　and　aggressive　warfare。　Decisions　of　the　courts　which　do　not　sustain　union　contentions　are　received　with　great　disfavor。　The　open　shop　decisions　of　the　United　States　Supreme　Court　are　characterized　as　unfair　and　partisan　and　are　vigorously　opposed　in　all　the　labor　journals。　It　is　not；　however；　until　the　sanction　of　public　opinion　eventually　backs　the　attitude　of　the　unions　that　the　laws　and　their　interpretation　can　conform　e