the armies of labor-第31部分

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ion　eventually　backs　the　attitude　of　the　unions　that　the　laws　and　their　interpretation　can　conform　entirely　to　the　desires　of　labor。

The　chief　grievance　of　organized　labor　against　the　courts　is　their　use　of　the　injunction　to　prevent　boycotts　and　strikes。　〃Government　by　injunction〃　is　the　complaint　of　the　unions　and　it　is　based　upon　the　common；　even　reckless；　use　of　a　writ　which　was　in　origin　and　intent　a　high　and　rarely　used　prerogative　of　the　Court　of　Chancery。　What　was　in　early　times　a　powerful　weapon　in　the　hands　of　the　Crown　against　riotous　assemblies　and　threatened　lawlessness　was　invoked　in　1868　by　an　English　court　as　a　remedy　against　industrial　disturbances。*　Since　the　Civil　War　the　American　courts　in　rapidly　increasing　numbers　have　used　this　weapon；　and　the　Damascus　blade　of　equity　has　been　transformed　into　a　bludgeon　in　the　hands　even　of　magistrates　of　inferior　courts。

*　Springfield　Spinning　Company　vs。　Riley；　L。R。6　Eq。　551。


The　prime　objection　which　labor　urges　against　this　use　of　the　injunction　is　that　it　deprives　the　defendant　of　a　jury　trial　when　his　liberty　is　at　stake。　The　unions　have　always　insisted　that　the　law　should　be　so　modified　that　this　right　would　accompany　all　injunctions　growing　out　of　labor　disputes。　Such　a　denatured　injunction；　however；　would　defeat　the　purpose　of　the　writ；　but　the　union　leader　maintains；　on　the　other　hand；　that　he　is　placed　unfairly　at　a　disadvantage；　when　an　employer　can　command　for　his　own　aid　in　an　industrial　dispute　the　swift　and　sure　arm　of　a　law　originally　intended　for　a　very　different　purpose。　The　imprisonment　of　Debs　during　the　Pullman　strike　for　disobeying　a　Federal　injunction　brought　the　issue　vividly　before　the　public；　and　the　sentencing　of　Gompers；　Mitchell；　and　Morrison　to　prison　terms　for　violating　the　Buck's　Stove　injunction　produced　new　waves　of　popular　protest。　Occasional　dissenting　opinions　by　judges　and　the　gradual　conviction　of　lawyers　and　of　society　that　some　other　tribunal　than　a　court　of　equity　or　even　a　court　of　law　would　be　more　suitable　for　the　settling　of　labor　disputes　is　indicative　of　the　change　ultimately　to　be　wrought　in　practice。

The　unions　are　also　violently　opposed　to　the　use　of　military　power　by　the　State　during　strikes。　Not　only　can　the　militia　be　called　out　to　enforce　the　mandates　of　the　State　but　whenever　Federal　interference　is　justified　the　United　States　troops　may　be　sent　to　the　scene　of　turmoil。　After　the　period　of　great　labor　troubles　culminating　in　the　Pullman　strike；　many　States　reorganized　their　militia　into　national　guards。　The　armories　built　for　the　accommodation　of　the　guard　were　called　by　the　unions　〃plutocracy's　bastiles；〃　and　the　mounted　State　constabulary　organized　in　1906　by　Pennsylvania　were　at　once　dubbed　〃American　Cossacks。〃　Several　States　following　the　example　of　Pennsylvania　have　encountered　the　bitterest　hostility　on　the　part　of　the　labor　unions。　Already　opposition　to　the　militia　has　proceeded　so　far　that　some　unions　have　forbidden　their　members　to　perform　militia　service　when　called　to　do　strike　duty；　and　the　military　readjustments　involved　in　the　Great　War　have　profoundly　affected　the　relation　of　the　State　to　organized　labor。　Following　the　signing　of　the　armistice；　a　movement　for　the　organization　of　an　American　Labor　party　patterned　after　the　British　Labour　party　gained　rapid　momentum；　especially　in　New　York　and　Chicago。　A　platform　of　fourteen　points　was　formulated　at　a　general　conference　of　the　leaders；　and　provisional　organizations　were　perfected　in　a　number　of　cities。　What　power　this　latest　attempt　to　enlist　labor　in　partisan　politics　will　assume　is　problematical。　It　is　obviously　inspired　by　European　experiences　and　promulgated　by　socialistic　propaganda。　It　has　not　succeeded　in　invading　the　American　Federation　of　Labor；　which　did　not　formally　endorse　the　movement　at　its　Annual　Convention　in　1919。　Gompers；　in　an　intimate　and　moving　speech；　told　a　group　of　labor　leaders　gathered　in　New　York　on　December　9；　1918；　that　〃the　organization　of　a　political　party　would　simply　mean　the　dividing　of　the　activities　and　allegiance　of　the　men　and　women　of　labor　between　two　bodies；　such　as　would　often　come　in　conflict。〃　Under　present　conditions；　it　would　appear　that　no　Labor　party　could　succeed　in　the　United　States　without　the　cooperation　of　the　American　Federation　of　Labor。

The　relation　between　the　American　Federation　of　Labor　and　the　socialistic　and　political　labor　movements；　as　well　as　the　monopolistic　eagerness　of　the　socialists　to　absorb　these　activities；　is　clearly　indicated　in　Gompers's　narrative　of　his　experiences　as　an　American　labor　representative　at　the　London　Conference　of　1918。　The　following　paragraphs　are　significant：

〃When　the　Inter…Allied　Labor　Conference　opened　in　London；　on　September　17th；　early　in　the　morning；　there　were　sent　over　to　my　room　at　the　hotel　cards　which　were　intended　to　be　the　credential　cards　for　our　delegation　to　sign　and　hand　in　as　our　credentials。　The　card　read　something　like　this：　'The　undersigned　is　a　duly　accredited　delegate　to　the　Inter…Allied　Socialist　Conference　to　be　held　at　London；'　etc。；　and　giving　the　dates。

〃I　refused　to　sign　my　name；　or　permit　my　name　to　be　put　upon　any　card　of　that　character。　My　associates　were　as　indignant　as　I　was　and　refused　to　sign　any　such　credential。　We　went　to　the　hall　where　the　conference　was　to　be　held。　There　was　a　young　lady　at　the　door。　When　we　made　an　effort　to　enter　she　asked　for　our　cards。　We　said　we　had　no　cards　to　present。　'Well；'　the　answer　came；　'you　cannot　be　admitted。'　We　replied；　'That　may　be　truewe　cannot　be　admittedbut　we　will　not　sign　any　such　card。　We　have　our　credentials　written　out；　signed；　and　sealed　and　will　present　them　to　any　committee　of　the　conference　for　scrutiny　and　recommendation；　but　we　are　not　going　to　sign　such　a　card。'

〃Mr。　Charles　Bowerman；　Secretary　of　the　Parliamentary　Committee　of　the　British　Trade　Union　Congress；　at　that　moment　emerged　from　the　door。　He　asked　why　we　had　not　entered。　I　told　him　the　situation；　and　he　persuaded　the　young　lady　to　permit　us　to　pass　in。　We　entered　the　hall　and　presented　our　credentials。　Mr。　James　Sexton；　officer　and　representative　of　the　Docker's　Union　of　Liverpool；　arose　and　called　the　attention　of　the　Conference　to　this　situation；　and　declared　that　the　American　Federation　of　Labor　delegates　refused　to　sign　any　such　document。　He　said　it　was　not　an　Inter…Allied　Socialist　Conference；　but　an　Inter…Allied　Socialist　and　Labor　Conference。

〃Mr。　Arthur　Henderson；　of　the　Labor　Party；　made　an　explanation　something　to　this　effect；　if　my　memory　serves　me：　'It　is　really　regrettable　that　such　an　error　should　have　been　made。　It　was　due　to　the　fact　that　the　old　card　of　credentials　which　has　been　used　in　former　conferences　was　sent　to　the　printer；　no　one　paying　any　attention　to　it；　thinking　it　was　all　right。'

〃I　want　to　call　your　attention　to　the　significance　of　that　explanation；　that　is；　that　the　trade　union　movement　of　Great　Britain　was　represented　at　these　former　conferences；　but　at　this　conference　the　importance　of　Labor　was　regarded　as　so　insignificant　that　everybody　took　it　for　granted　that　it　was　perfectly　all　right　to　have　the　credential　card　read　'Inter…Allied　Socialist　Conference'　and　with　the　omission　of　this　more　important　term；　'Labor。'〃*

*　〃American　Federationist；〃　January；　1919；　pp。　40…41。


As　one　looks　back　upon　the　history　of　the　workingman；　one　finds　something　impressive；　even　majestic；　in　the　rise　of　the　fourth　estate　from　a　humble　place　to　one　of　power　in　this　democratic　nation。　In　this　rise　of　fortune　the　laborer's　union　has　unquestionably　been　a　moving　force；　perhaps　even　the　leading　cause。　At　least　this　homogeneous　mass　of　workingmen；　guided　by　self…developed　leadership；　has　aroused　society　to　safeguard　more　carefully　the　individual　needs　of　all　its　parts。　Labor　has　awakened　the　state　to　a　sense　of　responsibility　for　its　great　sins　of　neglect　and　has　made　it　conscious　of　its　social　duties。　Labor；　like　other　elements　of　society；　has　often　been　selfish；　narrow；　vindictive；　but　it　has　also　shown　itself　earnest　and　constructive。　The　conservative　trades　union；　at　the　hour　of　this　writing；　stands　as　a　bulwark　between　that　amorphous；　inefficient；　irresponsible　Socialism　which　has　made　Russia　a　lurid　warning　and　Prussia　a　word　of　scorn；　and　that　rational　social　ideal　which　is　founded　upon　the　conviction　that　society　is　ultimately　an　organic　spiritual　unity；　the　blending　of　a　thousand　diverse　interests　whose　justly　combined　labors　and　harmonized　talents　create　civilization　and　develop　culture。





BIBLIOGRAPHICAL　NOTE

While　there　is　a　vast　amount　of　writing　on　the　labor　problem；　there　are　very　few　works　on　the　history　of　labor　organizations　in　the　United　States。　The　main　reliance　for　the　earlier　period；　in　the　foregoing　pages；　has　been　the　〃Documentary　History　of　American　Industrial　Society〃；　edited　by　John　R。　Commons；　10　vols。　（1910）。　The　〃History　of　Labour　in　the　United　States；〃　2　vols。　（1918）；　which　he　published　with　associates；　is　the　most　convenient　and　complete　compilation　that　has　yet　appeared　and　contains　a　large　mass　of　historical　material　on　the　labor　question。

The　following　works　are　devoted　to　discussions　of　various　phases　of　the　history　of　American　labor　and　industry：

T。　S。　Adams　and　Helen　L。　Sumner；　〃Labor　Problems〃　（1905）。　Contains　several　refreshing　chapters　on　labor　organizations。

F。　T。　Carlton；　〃The　History　and　Problem　of　Organized　Labor〃　（1911）。　A　succinct　discussion　of　union　problems。

R。　T。　Ely；　〃The　Labor　Movement　in　America〃　（1886）。　Though　one　of　the　earliest　American　works　on　the　subject；　it　remains　indispensable。

G。　G。　Groat；　〃An　Introduction　to　the　Study　of　Organized　Labor　in　America〃　（1916）。　A　useful　and　up…to…date　compendium。　R。　F。　Hosie；　〃Trade　Unionism　in　the　United　States〃　（1917）。　A　suggestive　study　of　the　philosophy　of　unionism。

J。　R。　Commons　（Ed。）；　〃Trade　Unionism　and　Labor　Problems〃　（1905）。

J。　H。　Hollander　and　G。　E。　Barnett　（Eds。）；　〃Studies　in　American　Trade　Unionism〃　（1905）。　These　two　volumes　are　collections　of　contemporary　studies　of　many　phases　of　organized　labor　by　numerous　scholars。　They　are　not　historical。

The　〃Report　of　the　Industrial　Commission；〃　vol。　XVII　（1901）　provides　the　most　complete　analysis　of　tra