the cleveland era-第6部分

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！


　argument。　Of　course　no　party　could　establish　exclusive　proprietorship　to　such　tactics；　and　whichever　party　might　be　in　power　in　a　particular　locality　was　cast　for　the　villain's　part　in　the　political　drama。　But　as　changes　of　party　control　took　place；　experience　taught　that　the　only　practical　result　was　to　introduce　new　players　into　the　same　old　game。　Such　experience　spread　among　the　people　a　despairing　feeling　that　American　politics　were　hopelessly　depraved；　and　at　the　same　time　it　gave　them　a　deep　yearning　for　some　strong　deliverer。　To　this　messianic　hope　of　politics　may　be　ascribed　what　is　in　some　respects　the　most　remarkable　career　in　the　political　history　of　the　United　States。　The　rapid　and　fortuitous　rise　of　Grover　Cleveland　to　political　eminence　is　without　a　parallel　in　the　records　of　American　statesmanship；　notwithstanding　many　instances　of　public　distinction　attained　from　humble　beginnings。

The　antecedents　of　Cleveland　were　Americans　of　the　best　type。　He　was　descended　from　a　colonial　stock　which　had　settled　in　the　Connecticut　Valley。　His　earliest　ancestor　of　whom　there　is　any　exact　knowledge　was　Aaron　Cleveland；　an　Episcopal　clergyman；　who　died　at　East　Haddam；　Connecticut；　in　1757；　after　founding　a　family　which　in　every　generation　furnished　recruits　to　the　ministry。　It　argues　a　hereditary　disposition　for　independent　judgment　that　among　these　there　was　a　marked　variation　in　denominational　choice。　Aaron　Cleveland　was　so　strong　in　his　attachment　to　the　Anglican　church　that　to　be　ordained　he　went　to　Englandunder　the　conditions　of　travel　in　those　days　a　hard；　serious　undertaking。　His　son；　also　named　Aaron；　became　a　Congregational　minister。　Two　of　the　sons　of　the　younger　Aaron　became　ministers；　one　of　them　an　Episcopalian　like　his　grandfather。　Another　son；　William；　who　became　a　prosperous　silversmith；　was　for　many　years　a　deacon　in　the　church　in　which　his　father　preached。　William　sent　his　second　son；　Richard；　to　Yale；　where　he　graduated　with　honors　at　the　age　of　nineteen。　He　turned　to　the　Presbyterian　church；　studied　theology　at　Princeton；　and　upon　receiving　ordination　began　a　ministerial　career　which　like　that　of　many　preachers　was　carried　on　in　many　pastorates。　He　was　settled　at　Caldwell；　New　Jersey；　in　his　third　pastorate；　and　there　Stephen　Grover　Cleveland　was　born；　on　March　18；　1837；　the　fifth　in　a　family　of　children　that　eventually　increased　to　nine。　He　was　named　after　the　Presbyterian　minister　who　was　his　father's　predecessor。　The　first　name　soon　dropped　out　of　use；　and　from　childhood　he　went　by　his　middle　name；　a　practice　of　which　the　Clevelands　supply　so　many　instances　that　it　seems　to　be　quite　a　family　trait。

In　campaign　literature；　so　much　has　been　made　of　the　humble　circumstances　in　which　Grover　made　his　start　in　life　that　the　unwary　reader　might　easily　imagine　that　the　future　President　was　almost　a　waif。　Nothing　could　be　farther　from　the　truth。　He　really　belonged　to　the　most　authentic　aristocracy　that　any　state　of　society　can　producethat　which　maintains　its　standards　and　principles　from　generation　to　generation　by　the　integrity　of　the　stock　without　any　endowment　of　wealth。　The　Clevelands　were　people　who　reared　large　families　and　sustained　themselves　with　dignity　and　credit　on　narrow　means。　It　was　a　settled　tradition　with　such　republican　aristocrats　that　a　son　destined　for　a　learned　professionusually　the　ministryshould　be　sent　to　college；　and　for　that　purpose　heroic　economies　were　practiced　in　the　family。　The　opportunities　which　wealth　can　confer　are　really　trivial　in　comparison　with　the　advantage　of　being　born　and　reared　in　such　bracing　conditions　as　those　which　surrounded　Grover　Cleveland。　As　a　boy　he　was　a　clerk　in　a　country　store；　but　his　education　was　not　neglected　and　at　the　age　of　fifteen　he　was　studying；　with　a　view　to　entering　college。　His　father's　death　ended　that　prospect　and　forced　him　to　go　to　work　again　to　help　support　the　family。　Some　two　years　later；　when　the　family　circumstances　were　sufficiently　eased　so　that　he　could　strike　out　for　himself；　he　set　off　westward；　intending　to　reach　Cleveland。　Arriving　at　Buffalo；　he　called　upon　a　married　aunt；　who；　on　learning　that　he　was　planning　to　get　work　at　Cleveland　with　the　idea　of　becoming　a　lawyer；　advised　him　to　stay　in　Buffalo　where　opportunities　were　better。　Young　Cleveland　was　taken　into　her　home　virtually　as　private　secretary　to　her　husband；　Lewis　F。　Allen；　a　man　of　means；　culture；　and　public　spirit。　Allen　occupied　a　large　house　with　spacious　grounds　in　a　suburb　of　the　city；　and　owned　a　farm　on　which　he　bred　fine　cattle。　He　issued　the　〃American　Short…Horn　Herd　Book；〃　a　standard　authority　for　pedigree　stock；　and　the　fifth　edition；　published　in　1861；　made　a　public　acknowledgment　of　〃the　kindness；　industry；　and　ability〃　with　which　Grover　Cleveland　had　assisted　the　editor　〃in　correcting　and　arranging　the　pedigrees　for　publication。〃

With　his　uncle's　friendship　to　back　him；　Cleveland　had；　of　course；　no　difficulty　in　getting　into　a　reputable　law　office　as　a　student；　and　thereafter　his　affairs　moved　steadily　along　the　road　by　which　innumerable　young　Americans　of　diligence　and　industry　have　advanced　to　success　in　the　legal　profession。　Cleveland's　career　as　a　lawyer　was　marked　by　those　steady；　solid　gains　in　reputation　which　result　from　care　and　thoroughness　rather　than　from　brilliancy；　and　in　these　respects　it　finds　many　parallels　among　lawyers　of　the　trustee　type。　What　is　exceptional　and　peculiar　in　Cleveland's　career　is　the　way　in　which　political　situations　formed　about　him　without　any　contrivance　on　his　part；　and　as　it　were　projected　him　from　office　to　office　until　he　arrived　in　the　White　House。

At　the　outset　nothing　could　have　seemed　more　unlikely　than　such　a　career。　Cleveland's　ambitions　were　bound　up　in　his　profession　and　his　politics　were　opposed　to　those　of　the　powers　holding　local　control。　But　the　one　circumstance　did　not　shut　him　out　of　political　vocation　and　the　other　became　a　positive　advantage。　He　entered　public　life　in　1863　through　an　unsought　appointment　as　assistant　district　attorney　for　Erie　County。　The　incumbent　of　the　office　was　in　poor　health　and　needed　an　assistant　on　whom　he　could　rely　to　do　the　work。　Hence　Cleveland　was　called　into　service。　His　actual　occupancy　of　the　position　prompted　his　party　to　nominate　him　to　the　office；　and　although　he　was　defeated；　he　received　a　vote　so　much　above　the　normal　voting　strength　of　his　party　that；　in　1869；　he　was　picked　for　the　nomination　to　the　office　of　sheriff　to　strengthen　a　party　ticket　made　up　in　the　interest　of　a　congressional　candidate。　The　expectation　was　that　while　the　district　might　be　carried　for　the　Democratic　candidate　for　Congress；　Cleveland　would　probably　fail　of　election。　The　nomination　was　virtually　forced　upon　him　against　his　wishes。　But　he　was　elected　by　a　small　plurality。　This　success；　reenforced　by　his　able　conduct　of　the　office；　singled　him　out　as　the　party's　hope　for　success　in　the　Buffalo　municipal　election；　and　after　his　term　as　sheriff　he　was　nominated　for　mayor；　again　without　any　effort　on　his　part。　Although　ordinarily　the　Democratic　party　was　in　a　hopeless　minority；　Cleveland　was　elected。　It　was　in　this　campaign　that　he　enunciated　the　principle　that　public　office　is　a　public　trust；　which　was　his　rule　of　action　throughout　his　career。　Both　as　sheriff　and　as　mayor　he　acted　upon　it　with　a　vigor　that　brought　him　into　collision　with　predatory　politicians；　and　the　energy　and　address　with　which　he　defended　public　interests　made　him　widely　known　as　the　reform　mayor　of　Buffalo。　His　record　and　reputation　naturally　attracted　the　attention　of　the　state　managers　of　the　Democratic　party；　who　were　casting　about　for　a　candidate　strong　enough　to　overthrow　the　established　Republican　control；　and　Cleveland　was　just　as　distinctly　drafted　for　the　nomination　to　the　governorship　in　1882　as　he　had　been　for　his　previous　offices。

In　his　career　as　governor　Cleveland　displayed　the　same　stanch　characteristics　as　before；　and　he　was　fearless　and　aggressive　in　maintaining　his　principles。　The　most　striking　characteristic　of　his　veto　messages　is　the　utter　absence　of　partisan　or　personal　designs。　Some　of　the　bills　he　vetoed　purported　to　benefit　labor　interests；　and　politicians　are　usually　fearful　of　any　appearance　of　opposition　to　such　interests：　His　veto　of　the　bill　establishing　a　five　cent　fare　for　the　New　York　elevated　railways　was　an　action　of　a　kind　to　make　him　a　target　for　calumny　and　misrepresentation。　Examination　of　the　record　reveals　no　instance　in　which　Cleveland　flinched　from　doing　his　duty　or　faltered　in　the　full　performance　of　it。　He　acted　throughout　in　his　avowed　capacity　of　a　public　trustee；　and　he　conducted　the　office　of　governor　with　the　same　laborious　fidelity　which　he　had　displayed　as　sheriff　and　as　mayor。　And　now；　as　before；　he　antagonized　elements　of　his　own　party　who　sought　only　the　opportunities　of　office　and　cared　little　for　its　responsibilities。　He　did　not　unite　suavity　of　manner　with　vigor　of　action；　and　at　times　he　allowed　himself　to　reflect　upon　the　motives　of　opponents　and　to　use　language　that　was　personally　offensive。　He　told　the　Legislature　in　one　veto　message　that　〃of　all　the　defective　and　shabby　legislation　which　has　been　presented　to　me；　this　is　the　worst　and　most　inexcusable。〃　He　once　sent　a　scolding　message　to　the　State　Senate；　in　which　he　said　that　〃the　money　of　the　State　is　apparently　expended　with　no　regard　to　economy；〃　and　that　〃barefaced　jobbery　has　been　permitted。〃　The　Senate　having　refused　to　confirm　a　certain　appointee；　he　declared　that　the　opposition　had　〃its　rise　in　an　overwhelming　greed　for　the　patronage　which　may　attach　to　the　place；〃　and　that　the　practical　effect　of　such　opposition　was　to　perpetuate　〃the　practice　of　unblushing　peculation。〃　What　he　said　was　quite　true　and　it　was　the　kind　of　truth　that　hurt。　The　brusqueness　of　his　official　style　and　the　censoriousness　of　his　language　infused　even　more　personal　bitterness　into　the　opposition　which　developed　within　his　own　party　than　in　that　felt　in　the　ranks　of　the　opposing　party。　At　the　same　time；　these　traits　delighted　a　growing　body　of　reformers　hostile　to　both　the　regular　parties。　These　〃Mugwumps；〃　as　they　were　called；　were　as　a　class　so　addicted　to　personal　invective　that　it　was　said　of　them　with　as　much　tru