the cleveland era-第7部分

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　called；　were　as　a　class　so　addicted　to　personal　invective　that　it　was　said　of　them　with　as　much　truth　as　wit　that　they　brought　malice　into　politics　without　even　the　excuse　of　partisanship。　But　it　was　probably　the　enthusiastic　support　of　this　class　which　turned　the　scale　in　New　York　in　the　presidential　election　of　1884。

In　the　national　conventions　of　that　year；　there　was　an　unusually　small　amount　of　factional　strife。　In　the　Republican　convention；　President　Arthur　was　a　candidate；　but　party　sentiment　was　so　strong　for　Blaine　that　he　led　Arthur　on　the　first　ballot　and　was　nominated　on　the　fourth　by　a　large　majority。　In　the　Democratic　convention；　Cleveland　was　nominated　on　the　second　ballot。　Meanwhile；　his　opponents　had　organized　a　new　party　from　which　more　was　expected　than　it　actually　accomplished。　It　assumed　the　title　Anti…Monopoly　and　chose　the　notorious　demagogue；　General　Benjamin　F。　Butler；　as　its　candidate　for　President。

During　this　campaign；　the　satirical　cartoon　attained　a　power　and　an　effectiveness　difficult　to　realize　now　that　it　has　become　an　ordinary　feature　of　journalism；　equally　available　for　any　school　of　opinion。　But　it　so　happened　that　the　rise　of　Cleveland　in　politics　coincided　with　the　artistic　career　of　Joseph　Keppler；　who　came　to　this　country　from　Vienna　and　who　for　some　years　supported　himself　chiefly　as　an　actor　in　Western　theatrical　companies。　He　had　studied　drawing　in　Vienna　and　had　contributed　cartoons　to　periodicals　in　that　city。　After　some　unsuccessful　ventures　in　illustrated　journalism；　he　started　a　pictorial　weekly　in　New　York　in　1875。　It　was　originally　printed　in　German；　but　in　less　than　a　year　it　was　issued　also　in　English。　It　was　not　until　1879　that　it　sprang　into　general　notice　through　Keppler's　success　in　reproducing　lithographed　designs　in　color。　Meanwhile；　the　artist　was　feeling　his　way　from　the　old　style　caricature；　crowded　with　figures　with　overhead　loops　of　explanatory　text；　to　designs　possessing　an　artistic　unity　expressive　of　an　idea　plain　enough　to　tell　its　own　story。　He　had　matured　both　his　mechanical　resources　and　his　artistic　method　by　the　time　the　campaign　of　1884　came　on；　and　he　had　founded　a　school　which　could　apply　the　style　to　American　politics　with　aptness　superior　to　his　own。　It　was　Bernhard　Gillam；　who；　working　in　the　new　Keppler　style；　produced　a　series　of　cartoons　whose　tremendous　impressiveness　was　universally　recognized。　Blaine　was　depicted　as　the　tattooed　man　and　was　exhibited　in　that　character　in　all　sorts　of　telling　situations。　While　on　the　stump　during　the　campaign；　Blaine　had　sometimes　literally　to　wade　through　campaign　documents　assailing　his　personal　integrity；　and　phrases　culled　from　them　were　chanted　in　public　processions。　One　of　the　features　of　a　great　parade　of　business　men　of　New　York　was　a　periodical　chorus　of　〃Burn　this　letter；〃　suiting　the　action　to　the　word　and　thus　making　a　striking　pyrotechnic　display。*　But　the　cartoons　reached　people　who　would　never　have　been　touched　by　campaign　documents　or　by　campaign　processions。

*　The　allusion　was　to　the　Mulligan　letters；　which　had　been　made　public　by　Mr。　Blaine　himself　when　it　had　been　charged　that　they　contained　evidence　of　corrupt　business　dealings。　The　disclosure　bad　been　made　four　years　before　and　ample　opportunity　had　existed　for　instituting　proceedings　if　the　case　warranted　it；　but　nothing　was　done　except　to　nurse　the　scandal　for　campaign　use。


Notwithstanding　the　exceptional　violence　and　novel　ingenuity　of　the　attacks　made　upon　him；　Blaine　met　them　with　such　ability　and　address　that　everywhere　he　augmented　the　ordinary　strength　of　his　party；　and　his　eventual　defeat　was　generally　attributed　to　an　untoward　event　among　his　own　adherents　at　the　close　of　the　campaign。　At　a　political　reception　in　the　interest　of　Blaine　among　New　York　clergymen；　the　Reverend　Dr。　Burchard　spoke　of　the　Democratic　party　as　〃the　party　of　rum；　Romanism；　and　rebellion。〃　Unfortunately　Blaine　did　not　hear　him　distinctly　enough　to　repudiate　this　slur　upon　the　religious　belief　of　millions　of　American　citizens；　and　alienation　of　sentiment　caused　by　the　tactless　and　intolerant　remark　could　easily　account　for　Blaine's　defeat　by　a　small　margin。　He　was　only　1149　votes　behind　Cleveland　in　New　York　in　a　poll　of　over　1；125；000　votes；　and　only　23；005　votes　behind　in　a　national　poll　of　over　9；700；000　votes　for　the　leading　candidates。　Of　course　Cleveland　in　his　turn　was　a　target　of　calumny；　and　in　his　case　the　end　of　the　campaign　did　not　bring　the　customary　relief。　He　was　pursued　to　the　end　of　his　public　career　by　active；　ingenious；　resourceful；　personal　spite　and　steady　malignity　of　political　opposition　from　interests　whose　enmity　he　had　incurred　while　Governor　of　New　York。

The　situation　which　confronted　Cleveland　when　he　became　President　was　so　complicated　and　embarrassing　that　perhaps　even　the　most　sagacious　and　resourceful　statesman　could　not　have　coped　with　it　successfully；　though　it　is　the　characteristic　of　genius　to　accomplish　the　impossible。　But　Cleveland　was　no　genius；　he　was　not　even　a　man　of　marked　talent。　He　was　stanch；　plodding；　laborious；　and　dutiful；　but　he　was　lacking　in　ability　to　penetrate　to　the　heart　of　obscure　political　problems　and　to　deal　with　primary　causes　rather　than　with　effects。　The　great　successes　of　his　administration　were　gained　in　particular　problems　whose　significance　had　already　been　clearly　defined。　In　this　field；　Cleveland's　resolute　and　energetic　performance　of　duty　had　splendid　results。

At　the　time　of　Cleveland's　inauguration　as　President；　the　Senate　claimed　an　extent　of　authority　which；　if　allowed　to　go　unchallenged；　would　have　turned　the　Presidency　into　an　office　much　like　that　of　the　doge　of　Venice；　one　of　ceremonial　dignity　without　real　power。　〃The　Federalist〃that　matchless　collection　of　constitutional　essays　written　by　Hamilton；　Madison；　and　Jaylaid　down　the　doctrine　that　〃against　the　enterprising　ambition〃　of　the　legislative　department　〃the　people　ought　to　indulge　all　their　jealousy　and　exhaust　all　their　precautions。〃　But　some　of　the　precautions　taken　in　framing　the　Constitution　proved　ineffectual　from　the　start。　The　right　conferred　upon　the　President　to　recommend　to　the　consideration　of　Congress　〃such　measures　as　he　shall　judge　necessary　and　expedient；〃　was　emptied　of　practical　importance　by　the　success　of　Congress　in　interpreting　it　as　meaning　no　more　than　that　the　President　may　request　Congress　to　take　a　subject　into　consideration。　In　practice；　Congress　considers　only　such　measures　as　are　recommended　by　its　own　committees。　The　framers　of　the　Constitution　took　special　pains　to　fortify　the　President's　position　by　the　veto　power；　which　is　treated　at　length　in　the　Constitution。　By　a　special　clause；　the　veto　power　was　extended　to　〃every　order；　resolution　or　vote。。。　except　on　a　question　of　adjournment〃a　clause　which　apparently　should　enable　the　President　to　strike　off　the　〃riders〃　continually　put　upon　appropriation　bills　to　coerce　executive　action；　but　no　President　has　ventured　to　exercise　this　authority。　Although　the　Senate　was　joined　to　the　President　as　an　advisory　council　in　appointments　to　office；　it　was　explained　in　〃The　Federalist〃　that　〃there　will　be　no　exertion　of　choice　on　the　part　of　Senators。〃　Nevertheless；　the　Senate　has　claimed　and　exercised　the　right　to　dictate　appointments。　While　thus　successfully　encroaching　upon　the　authority　of　the　President；　the　Senate　had　also　been　signally　successful　in　encroaching　upon　the　authority　of　the　House。　The　framers　of　the　Constitution　anticipated　for　the　House　a　masterful　career　like　that　of　the　House　of　Commons；　and　they　feared　that　the　Senate　could　not　protect　itself　in　the　discharge　of　its　own　functions；　so；　although　the　traditional　principle　that　all　revenue　bills　should　originate　in　the　House　was　taken　over　into　the　Constitution；　it　was　modified　by　the　proviso　that　〃the　Senate　may　propose　or　concur　with　amendments　as　on　other　bills。〃　This　right　to　propose　amendments　has　been　improved　by　the　Senate　until　the　prerogative　of　the　House　has　been　reduced　to　an　empty　form。　Any　money　bill　may　be　made　over　by　amendment　in　the　Senate；　and　when　contests　have　followed；　the　Senate　has　been　so　successful　in　imposing　its　will　upon　the　House　that　the　House　has　acquired　the　habit　of　submission。　Not　long　before　the　election　of　Cleveland；　as　has　been　pointed　out；　this　habitual　deference　of　the　House　had　enabled　the　Senate　to　originate　a　voluminous　tariff　act　in　the　form　of　an　amendment　to　the　Internal　Revenue　Bill　voted　by　the　House。

In　addition　to　these　extensions　of　power　through　superior　address　in　management；　the　ascendancy　of　the　Senate　was　fortified　by　positive　law。　In　1867；　when　President　Johnson　fell　out　with　the　Republican　leaders　in　Congress；　a　Tenure　of　Office　Act　was　passed　over　his　veto；　which　took　away　from　the　President　the　power　of　making　removals　except　by　permission　of　the　Senate。　In　1869；　when　Johnson's　term　had　expired；　a　bill　for　the　unconditional　repeal　of　this　law　passed　the　House　with　only　sixteen　votes　in　the　negative；　but　the　Senate　was　able　to　force　a　compromise　act　which　perpetuated　its　authority　over　removals。*　President　Grant　complained　of　this　act　as　〃being　inconsistent　with　a　faithful　and　efficient　administration　of　the　government；〃　but　with　all　his　great　fame　and　popularity　he　was　unable　to　induce　the　Senate　to　relinquish　the　power　it　had　gained。

*　The　Act　of　April　5；　1869；　required　the　President；　within　thirty　days　after　the　opening　of　the　sessions；　to　nominate　persons　for　all　vacant　offices；　whether　temporarily　filled　or　not；　and　in　place　of　all　officers　who　may　have　been　suspended　during　the　recess　of　the　Senate。


This　law　was　now　invoked　by　Republicans　as　a　means　of　counteracting　the　result　of　the　election。　Such　was　the　feeling　of　the　times　that　partisanship　could　easily　masquerade　as　patriotism。　Republicans　still　believed　that　as　saviors　of　the　Union　they　had　a　prescriptive　right　to　the　government。　During　the　campaign；　Eugene　Field；　the　famous　Western　poet；　had　given　a　typical　expression　of　this　sentiment　in　some　scornful　verses　concluding　with　this　defiant　notice：

These　quondam　rebels　come　today　In　penitential　form；　And　hypocritically　say　The　country　needs　〃Reform！〃　Out　on　reformers　such　as　these；　By　Freedom's　sacred　powers