the life of stephen a. douglas-第30部分

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Chapter　XVII。　　Seeking　Reconciliation。




After　the　adjournment　he　devoted　himself　to　a　new　and　unfamiliar　task。　　He　prepared　an　article　for　Harper's　Magazine　on　the　slavery　question　and　its　relation　to　party　politics；　in　which　he　defended　his　position；　explained　his　philosophy　and　sought　to　throw　light　on　this　confused　subject。　　The　article　made　some　stir　at　the　time。　It　contained　nothing；　however；　which　he　had　not　already　said　much　better　in　his　speeches。　　He　was　not　a　man　of　literary　culture　or　habits。　　His　thought　was　brightest　and　his　eloquence　highest　when　the　battle　was　raging。

The　article　had　the　good　fortune　to　provoke　a　rather　elaborate　anonymous　reply　from　Jeremiah　S。　Black；　Buchanan's　Attorney…general。　Black　was　a　profound　lawyer　and　better　writer　than　Douglas。　　While　he　would　have　been　no　match　for　him　in　senatorial　debate　or　on　the　stump；　he　completely　eclipsed　him　as　a　literary　controversialist。　Moreover；　Black　was　standing　on　firm　ground；　simply　insisting　that　his　party　accept　the　decision　of　the　Supreme　Court　as　law　and　conform　its　conduct　to　it　without　evasion　or　pettifoggery；　while　Douglas　was　striving　to　stand　in　mid…air；　nullifying　the　decision　by　clever　tricks　and　condemning　as　anarchists　the　Republicans；　who　frankly　confessed　their　hostility　to　it。　　He　gravely　argued　that　Congress　could　grant　to　a　territorial　legislature　power　which　the　Constitution　denied　to　itself。　　Black's　answer　was　crushing　and　showed　conclusively　that　there　was　no　basis　in　either　law　or　logic　for　those　peculiar　doctrines　in　which　Douglas　differed　from　his　party。　　Black　judiciously　avoided　all　discussion　of　the　ethics　of　the　question；　confining　himself　to　an　examination　of　the　legal　basis　of　Douglas'　special　creed；　proving　clearly　that　it　had　been　utterly　swept　away。

On　the　night　of　October　16th　occurred　John　Brown's　mad　exploit　at　Harper's　Ferry。　　Congress　opened　on　December　5th。　　On　the　12th　of　January　Douglas'　heretical　opinions　on　the　right　of　the　people　to　exclude　slavery　from　the　Territories　were　called　in　question。　　The　Southern　Senators　pressed　upon　him　the　fact　that　he　had　agreed　to　abide　by　the　decision　of　the　Supreme　Court　on　the　disputed　question；　and；　now　that　the　South　had　been　sustained　by　the　decision；　he　had　virtually　repudiated　it　by　his　Illinois　speeches。　　No　man　holding　such　opinions；　they　declared；　was　a　sound　Democrat　or　could　possibly　receive　the　vote　of　a　Southern　State　at　the　Charleston　Convention。　They　justified　their　action　in　removing　him　from　his　chairmanship　of　the　Committee　on　Territories　by　a　rehearsal　of　his　heretical　opinions　and　announced　their　purpose　to　oppose　his　presidential　aspirations。　　He　defended　himself　against　this　irregular　attack　with　great　ability　and　courage；　maintaining　the　soundness　of　his　Democracy　and　imputing　heresy　to　his　accusers；　　who　were　seeking　to　debauch　the　ancient　Democratic　faith　by　infusing　into　it　their　late…invented　doctrines。　　At　last；　wearied　by　the　irregular　debate；　he　sarcastically　proposed　that；　as　his　health　was　poor；　they　all　make　their　attacks　upon　him　and　present　their　charges；　when　they　were　through　he　would　〃fire　at　the　lump〃　and　vindicate　every　word　he　had　said。

A　few　days　later　he　offered　a　resolution　to　instruct　the　Judiciary　Committee　to　prepare　a　bill　to　suppress　and　punish　conspiracies　in　one　State　to　invade　or　otherwise　molest　the　people　or　property　of　another；　and　addressed　the　Senate　upon　it。　　He　expressed　his　firm　and　deliberate　conviction　that　the　John　Brown　raid　at　Harper's　Ferry　was　the　natural；　logical；　inevitable　result　of　the　doctrines　and　teachings　of　the　Republican　party　as　explained　and　the　enforced　in　speeches　of　its　leaders　in　and　out　of　Congress。　　He　said　that　when　he　returned　home　in　1858　for　the　purpose　of　canvassing　Illinois　with　a　view　to　reelection；　he　had　to　meet　this　issue　of　the　irrepressible　conflict。　　Lincoln　had　already　proclaimed　the　existence　of　inexpiable　hostility　between　free　States　and　slave　States。　　Later；　Seward　had　announced　it　in　his　Rochester　speech。　　It　was　evidently　the　creed　of　his　party。　　The　Harper's　Ferry　outrage　was　a　natural　and　logical　consequence　of　these　pernicious　doctrines。　　John　Brown　was　simply　practicing　their　philosophy　at　Harper's　Ferry。　　The　causes　that　produced　this　invasion　were　still　in　active　operation。　　These　teachers　of　rebellion　were　disseminating　their　deadly　principles。　Let　Congress　pass　appropriate　laws　and　make　such　example　of　the　leaders　of　these　conspiracies　as　to　strike　terror　into　the　hearts　of　the　others　and　there　would　be　an　end　of　this　crusade。

With　all　his　courage　in　meeting　recent　attacks；　it　was　plain　that　his　only　hope　of　the　Presidency　lay　in　the　prospect　of　his　reconciliation　with　the　Southern　leaders。　　They　needed　his　help　to　prevent　the　Radicals；　Seward；　Chase　and　Lincoln；　from　carrying　the　next　election。　　He　needed　their　help　to　compass　the　nomination。　He　decided　without　lowering　his　standard　to　win　them　back　by　the　mere　efficiency　of　his　service。　　But　the　Southern　leaders　were　not　in　search　of　a　Northern　master。　　They　wanted　servants　in　the　high　places　of　Government　not　less　humble　than　the　blacks　who　tilled　their　plantations。　　They　instinctively　knew　that　he　was　not　and　could　not　be　such　a　servant。　　Rather　than　support　him　they　would　see　Seward　elected。　　He　at　least　frankly　avowed　his　hostility。　　If　they　elected　Douglas　and　he　declined　to　obey；　their　position　would　be　awkward。　　If　a　sectional　Republican　were　elected；　they　could　secede　and　set　up　an　independent　Government。

On　the　7th　of　May　Davis　spoke　in　support　of　a　series　of　radical　resolutions　introduced　by　him　on　February　2nd；　declaring　that　neither　Congress　nor　a　territorial　legislature　had　power　to　impair　the　Constitutional　right　of　any　citizen　of　the　United　States　to　take　his　slave　property　into　the　common　Territories　and　there　hold　it；　that　it　was　the　duty　of　Congress　to　protect　this　right；　and　that　the　inhabitants　had　no　power　either　by　direct　legislation　or　by　their　unfriendly　attitude　to　exclude　slavery　until　they　formed　a　State　Constitution。　　He　spoke　with　great　force　in　support　of　them。　He　ascribe　the　authorship　of　the　pernicious　heresy　of　squatter　sovereignty　to　Cass；　and　threw　doubt　on　the　soundness　of　Douglas'　Democracy　by　a　long　recital　of　what　he　regarded　as　unsound　and　heretical　opinions　and　votes。　　He　showed　the　complete　failure　of　his　distinctive　policy　in　Kansas　and　the　authoritative　rejection　of　his　principles　by　the　Supreme　Court。　　While　the　speech　was　courteous　and　dignified　in　manner；　apparently　delivered　to　elucidate　the　subject　rather　than　to　injure　Douglas；　it　portrayed　the　wreck　of　his　statesmanship　and　exposed　the　unsoundness　of　his　Democracy　with　dangerous　clearness　while　his　candidacy　was　in　the　hands　of　the　National　Convention。

A　week　later　he　replied。　　Already　the　Charleston　Convention；　and　with　it　his　candidacy；　had　virtually　gone　to　pieces　because　of　Southern　hostility　to　him　and　his　principles。　　Davis　was　the　head　o　the　Southern　junta；　and　the　debate　in　the　Senate　was　known　to　express　in　cold　phrase；　the　passions　that　had　rent　the　Convention　and　threatened　to　disrupt　the　party。

As　Douglas；　anxious　but　unfaltering；　rose　to　speak；　there　was　a　hush　in　the　crowded　Chamber。　　After　a　sneering　allusion　to　his　controversy　with　Black；　he　announced　his　purpose　to　defend　himself　against　the　attack　made　by　Davis。　　The　speech　occupied　two　days　in　its　delivery　and　was　a　unique　and　artistic　piece　of　senatorial　politics。　　It　was　addressed　less　to　the　Senate　than　to　the　adjourned　Charleston　Convention。　　He　exhaustively　proved　the　soundness　of　Democracy　and　repelled　the　charge　of　heresy　by　rehearsing　the　history　of　Democratic　Conventions　and　platforms　since　1848；　quoting　the　declarations　of　the　party　and　its　leaders　in　Convention；　on　the　platform　and　through　the　press。

Cass；　he　said；　the　author　of　the　now　deadly　doctrine　of　popular　sovereignty；　was　nominated　in　1848。　　The　Compromise　of　1850　embodied　that　principle。　　The　Kansas…Nebraska　struggle　was　settled　by　expressly　adopting　it。　　The　Cincinnati　platform；　on　which　all　Democrats　had　stood　for　four　years；　distinctly　affirmed　it。　　The　Charleston　Convention；　within　a　few　days；　had　reaffirmed　it。　　His　own　speeches　showed　that　he　had　adhered　to　it　constantly　from　the　beginning　of　his　career。　　The　change　was　not　in　him　but　in　the　Southern　wing　of　the　party。　　He　protested　that　he　did　not　desire　the　nomination　and　only　permitted　his　name　to　be　used　that　he　might　be　vindicated　against　the　presumptuous　efforts　of　a　little　coterie　to　cast　doubt　upon　his　Democracy　and　their　attempt　to　proscribe　him　as　a　heretic　might　be　rebuked。

The　most　hostile　critic　must　feel　some　sympathy　for　him　in　his　new　and　indefensible　position。　　His　now　heretical　opinions　had　but　recently　borne　the　authentic　stamp　of　Democracy。　　His　party；　following　its　real　sentiments　and　the　judicial　interpretation　of　the　Constitution；　had　silently　abandoned　its　old　creed　to　which　he　still　clung　with　tenacity　and　ardor。

Davis；　answering；　asked　him　the　blunt　question；　whether；　if　elected　President；　he　would　sign　a　bill　to　protect　slave　property　in　States；　Territories；　or　the　District　of　Columbia。　　He　declined　to　answer　suggesting　the　impropriety　of　declaring　in　advance　what　he　would　do　if　elected。

Congress　adjourned　on　June　25th。





Chapter　XVIII。　　A　Noontide　Eclipse。




While　events　in　Washington　in　the　spring　of　1860　were　full　of　historic　interest；　greater　and　more　memorable　events　were　occurring　in　Charleston。　　The　Democratic　Convention　met　in　that　city　on　April　23rd；　which　brought　to　the　surface　a　state　of　feeling　at　the　South　that　had　long　been　suspected　but　not　certainly　known。

There　was　but　one　prominent　candidate　in　the　field。　　Douglas　was　incomparably　the　most　eminent　Democratic　statesman　of　the　time。　According　to　the　settled　custom　of　the　party；　the　South；　which　did　not　ask　the　Presidency　itself；　should　have　supported　him。　　But　the　Southern　delegates　had　resolved　that　in　no　event　should　he　be　nominated　on　any　platform。

He　had　a　clear　majority　of　the　Convention。　　But　the　Democrats；　though　still　wearing　a　common　badge；　now　constituted　two　distinct　and　antagonistic　parties；　held　together　not　so　much　by　common　beliefs　as　by