the civilization of the renaissance in italy-第14部分

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ble　drama　of　the　last　decades　of　the　Florentine　republic　is　　here　unfolded。　The　voluminous　record　of　the　collapse　of　the　highest　and　　most　original　life　which　the　world　could　then　show　may　appear　to　one　　but　as　a　collection　of　curiosities；　may　awaken　in　another　a　devilish　　delight　at　the　shipwreck　of　so　much　nobility　and　grandeur；　to　a　third　　may　seem　like　a　great　historical　assize；　for　all　it　will　be　an　object　　of　thought　and　study　to　the　end　of　time。　The　evil　which　was　for　ever　　troubling　the　peace　of　the　city　was　its　rule　over　once　powerful　and　now　　conquered　rivals　like　Pisa…a　rule　of　which　the　necessary　consequence　　was　a　chronic　state　of　violence。　The　only　remedy；　certainly　an　extreme　　one　and　which　none　but　Savonarola　could　have　persuaded　Florence　to　　accept；　and　that　only　with　the　help　of　favourable　chances；　would　have　　been　the　well…timed　dissolution　of　Tuscany　into　a　federal　union　of　free　　cities。　At　a　later　period　this　scheme；　then　no　more　than　the　dream　of　a　　past　age；　brought　（1548）　a　patriotic　citizen　of　Lucca　to　the　scaffold。

From　this　evil　and　from　the　ill…starred　Guelph　sympathies　of　Florence　　for　a　foreign　prince；　which　familiarized　it　with　foreign　intervention；　　came　all　the　disasters　which　followed。　But　who　does　not　admire　the　　people　which　was　wrought　up　by　its　venerated　preacher　to　a　mood　of　such　　sustained　loftiness　that　for　the　first　time　in　Italy　it　set　the　example　　of　sparing　a　conquered　foe　while　the　whole　history　of　its　past　taught　　nothing　but　vengeance　and　extermination？　The　glow　which　melted　　patriotism　into　one　with　moral　regeneration　may　seem；　when　looked　at　　from　a　distance；　to　have　soon　passed　away；　but　its　best　results　shine　　forth　again　in　the　memorable　siege　of　1529…30。　They　were　'fools；'　as　　Guicciardini　then　wrote；　who　drew　down　this　storm　upon　Florence；　but　he　　confesses　himself　that　they　achieved　things　which　seemed　incredible；　　and　when　he　declares　that　sensible　people　would　have　got　out　of　the　way　　of　the　danger；　he　means　no　more　than　that　Florence　ought　to　have　　yielded　itself　silently　and　ingloriously　into　the　hands　of　its　enemies。　　It　would　no　doubt　have　preserved　its　splendid　suburbs　and　gardens；　and　　the　lives　and　prosperity　of　countless　citizens；　but　it　would　have　been　　the　poorer　by　one　of　its　greatest　and　most　ennobling　memories。　

In　many　of　their　chief　merits　the　Florentines　are　the　pattern　and　the　　earliest　type　of　Italians　and　modern　Europeans　generally；　they　are　so　　also　in　many　of　their　defects。　When　Dante　compares　the　city　which　was　　always　mending　its　constitution　with　the　sick　man　who　is　continually　　changing　his　posture　to　escape　from　pain；　he　touches　with　the　　comparison　a　permanent　feature　of　the　political　life　of　Florence。　The　　great　modern　fallacy　that　a　constitution　can　be　made；　can　be　　manufactured　by　a　combination　of　existing　forces　and　tendencies；　was　　constantly　cropping　up　in　stormy　times；　even　Machiavelli　is　not　wholly　　free　from　it。　Constitutional　artists　were　never　wanting　who　by　an　　ingenious　distribution　and　division　of　political　power；　by　indirect　　elections　of　the　most　complicated　kind；　by　the　establishment　of　nominal　　offices；　sought　to　found　a　lasting　order　of　things；　and　to　satisfy　or　　to　deceive　the　rich　and　the　poor　alike。　They　naively　fetch　their　　examples　from　classical　antiquity；　and　borrow　the　party　names　　'ottimati；'　'aristocrazia；'　as　a　matter　of　course。　The　world　since　then　　has　become　used　to　these　expressions　and　given　them　a　conventional　　European　sense；　whereas　all　former　party　names　were　purely　national；　　and　oithor　rhnrnotPrimPrl　tho　rnilqP　nt　iqqllP　or　cnrsnz　from　the　　caprice　of　accident。　But　how　a　name　colors　or　discolors　a　political　　cause！　

But　of　all　who　thought　it　possible　to　construct　a　State；　the　greatest　　beyond　all　comparison　was　Machiavelli。　He　treats　existing　forces　as　　living　and　active；　takes　a　large　and　accurate　view　of　alternative　　possibilities；　and　seeks　to　mislead　neither　himself　nor　others。　No　man　　could　be　freer　from　vanity　or　ostentation；　indeed；　he　does　not　write　　for　the　public；　but　either　for　princes　and　administrators　or　for　　personal　friends。　The　danger　for　him　does　not　lie　in　an　affectation　of　　genius　or　in　a　false　order　of　ideas；　but　rather　in　a　powerful　　imagination　which　he　evidently　controls　with　difficulty。　The　　objectivity　of　his　political　Judgement　is　sometimes　appalling　in　its　　sincerity；　but　it　is　the　sign　of　a　time　of　no　ordinary　need　and　peril；　　when　it　was　a　hard　matter　to　believe　in　right；　or　to　credit　others　with　　just　dealing　Virtuous　indignation　at　his　expense　is　thrown　away　on　us；　　who　have　seen　in　what　sense　political　morality　is　understood　by　the　　statesmen　of　our　own　century。　Machiavelli　was　at　all　events　able　to　　forget　himself　in　his　cause。　In　truth；　although　his　writing　s；　with　the　　exception　of　very　few　words；　are　altogether　destitute　of　enthusiasm；　　and　although　the　Florentines　themselves　treated　him　at　last　as　a　　criminal；　he　was　a　patriot　in　the　fullest　meaning　of　the　word。　But　free　　as　he　was；　like　most　of　his　contemporaries；　in　speech　and　morals；　the　　welfare　of　the　State　was　yet　his　first　and　last　thought。　

His　most　complete　program　for　the　construction　of　a　new　political　　system　at　Florence　is　set　forth　in　the　memorial　to　Leo　X；　composed　　after　the　death　of　the　younger　Lorenzo　Medici；　Duke　of　Urbino　（d。　　1519）；　to　whom　he　had　dedicated　his　'Prince。'　The　State　was　by　that　　time　in　extremities　and　utterly　corrupt；　and　the　remedies　proposed　are　　not　always　morally　justifiable；　but　it　is　most　interesting　to　see　how　　he　hopes　to　set　up　the　republic　in　the　form　of　a　moderate　democracy；　as　　heiress　to　the　Medici。　A　more　ingenious　scheme　of　concessions　to　the　　Pope；　to　the　Pope's　various　adherents；　and　to　the　different　Florentine　　interests；　cannot　be　imagined；　we　might　fancy　ourselves　looking　into　　the　works　of　a　clock。　Principles；　observations；　comparisons；　political　　forecasts；　and　the　like　are　to　be　found　in　numbers　in　the　'Discorsi；'　　among　them　flashes　of　wonderful　insight。　He　recognizes；　for　example；　　the　law　of　a　continuous　though　not　uniform　development　in　republican　　institutions；　and　requires　the　constitution　to　be　flexible　and　capable　　of　change；　as　the　only　means　of　dispensing　with　bloodshed　and　　banishments。　For　a　like　reason；　in　order　to　guard　against　private　　violence　and　foreign　interference'the　death　of　all　freedom'he　　wishes　to　see　introduced　a　judicial　procedure　（'accusa'）　against　hated　　citizens；　in　place　of　which　Florence　had　hitherto　had　nothing　but　the　　court　of　scandal。　With　a　masterly　hand　the　tardy　and　involuntary　　decisions　are　characterized　which　at　critical　moments　play　so　important　　a　part　in　republican　States。　Once；　it　is　true；　he　is　misled　by　his　　imagination　and　the　pressure　of　events　into　unqualified　praise　of　the　　people；　which　chooses　its　officers；　he　says；　better　than　any　prince；　　and　which　can　be　cured　of　its　errors　by　'good　advice。'　With　regard　to　　the　Government　of　Tuscany；　he　has　no　doubt　that　it　belongs　to　his　　native　city；　and　maintains；　in　a　special　'Discorso'　that　the　reconquest　　of　Pisa　is　a　question　of　life　or　death；　he　deplores　that　Arezzo；　after　　the　rebellion　of　1502；　was　not　razed　to　the　ground；　he　admits　in　　general　that　Italian　republics　must　be　allowed　to　expand　freely　and　add　　to　their　territory　in　order　to　enjoy　peace　at　home；　and　not　to　be　　themselves　attacked　by　others；　but　declares　that　Florence　had　un　at　the　　wrong　end；　and　from　the　first　made　deadly　Pisa；　Lucca；　and　Siena；　while　　Pistoia；　'treated　like　a　brother；'　had　voluntarily　submitted　to　her。

It　would　be　unreasonable　to　draw　a　parallel　between　the　few　other　　republics　which　still　existed　in　the　fifteenth　century　and　this　unique　　citythe　most　important　workshop　of　the　Italian；　and　indeed　of　the　　modern　European　spirit。　Siena　suffered　from　the　gravest　organic　　maladies；　and　its　relative　prosperity　in　art　and　industry　must　not　　mislead　us　on　this　point。　Aeneas　Sylvius　looks　with　longing　from　his　　native　town　over　to　the　'merry'　German　imperial　cities；　where　life　is　　embittered　by　no　confiscations　of　land　and　goods；　by　no　arbitrary　　officials；　and　by　no　political　factions。　Genoa　scarcely　comes　within　　range　of　our　task；　as　before　the　time　of　Andrea　Doria　it　took　almost　no　　part　in　the　Renaissance。

Indeed；　the　inhabitant　of　the　Riviera　was　proverbial　among　Italians　for　　his　contempt　of　all　higher　culture。　Party　conflicts　here　assumed　so　　fierce　a　char…　acter；　and　disturbed　so　violently　the　whole　course　of　　life；　that　we　can　hardly　understand　how；　after　so　many　revolutions　and　　invasions；　the　Genoese　ever　contrived　to　return　to　an　endurable　　condition。　Perhaps　it　was　owing　to　the　fact　that　all　who　took　part　in　　public　affairs　were　at　the　same　time　almost　without　exception　active　　men　of　business。　The　example　of　Genoa　shows　in　a　striking　manner　with　　what　insecurity　wealth　and　vast　commerce；　and　with　what　internal　　disorder　the　possession　of　distant　colonies；　are　compatible。

Foreign　Policy

As　the　majority　of　the　Italian　States　were　in　their　internal　　constitution　works　of　art；　that　is；　the　fruit　of　reflection　and　careful　　adaptation；　so　was　their　relation　to　one　another　and　to　foreign　　countries　also　a　work　of　art。　That　nearly　all　of　them　were　the　result　　of　recent　usurpations；　was　a　fact　which　exercised　as　fatal　an　influence　　in　their　foreign　as　in　their　internal　policy。　Not　one　of　them　　recognized　another　without　reserve；　the　same　play　of　chance　which　had　　helped　to　found　and　consolidate　one　dynasty　might　upset　another。　Nor　　was　it　always　a　matter　of　choice　with　the　despot　whether　to　keep　quiet　　or　not。　The　necessity　of　movement　and　aggrandizement　is　common　to　all　　illegitimate　powers。　Thus　Italy　became　the　scene　of　a　'foreign　policy'　　which　gradually；　as　in　other　countries　also；　acquired　the　position　of　a　　recognized　system　of　public　law。　The　purely　objective　treatment　of　　international　affairs；　as　free　from　prejudice　as　from　moral　scruples；　　attained　a　perfection　which　sometimes　is　not　without　a　certain　beauty　　and　grandeur　of　its　own。　But　as　a　whole　it　gives　us　the　impression　of　a　　bottomless　abyss。

Intrigues；　armaments；　leagues；　corruption　and　treason　make　up　the　　outward　history　of　Italy　at　this　period。　Venice　in　particular　was　long　　accused　on　all　hands