the civilization of the renaissance in italy-第15部分

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Intrigues；　armaments；　leagues；　corruption　and　treason　make　up　the　　outward　history　of　Italy　at　this　period。　Venice　in　particular　was　long　　accused　on　all　hands　of　seeking　to　conquer　the　whole　peninsula；　or　　gradually　so　to　reduce　its　strength　that　one　State　after　another　must　　fall　into　her　hands。　But　on　a　closer　view　it　is　evident　that　this　　complaint　did　not　come　from　the　people；　but　rather　from　the　courts　and　　official　classes；　which　were　commonly　abhorred　by　their　subjects；　while　　the　mild　government　of　Venice　had　secured　for　it　general　confidence　　Even　Florence；　with　its　restive　subject　cities；　found　itself　in　a　false　　position　with　regard　to　Venice；　apart　from　all　commercial　jealousy　and　　from　the　progress　of　Venice　in　Romagna。　At　last　the　League　of　Cambrai　　actually　did　strike　a　serious　blow　at　the　State　which　all　Italy　ought　　to　have　supported　with　united　strength。

The　other　States；　also；　were　animated　by　feelings　no　less　unfriendly；　　and　were　at　all　times　ready　to　use　against　one　another　any　weapon　which　　their　evil　conscience　might　suggest。　Lodovico　il　Moro；　the　Aragonese　　kings　of　Naples；　and　Sixtus　IVto　say　nothing　of　the　smaller　powers　kept　Italy　in　a　constant　perilous　agitation。　It　would　have　been　well　if　　the　atrocious　game　had　been　confined　to　Italy；　but　it　lay　in　the　nature　　of　the　case　that　intervention　sought　from　abroadin　particular　the　　French　and　the　Turks。

The　sympathies　of　the　people　at　large　were　throughout　on　the　side　of　　France。　Florence　had　never　ceased　to　confess　with　shocking　_naivete　　_its　old　Guelph　preference　for　the　French。　And　when　Charles　VIII　　actually　appeared　on　the　south　of　the　Alps；　all　Italy　accepted　him　with　　an　enthusiasm　which　to　himself　and　his　followers　seemed　unaccountable。　　In　the　imagination　of　the　Italians；　to　take　Savonarola　for　an　example　　the　ideal　picture　of　a　wise；　just；　and　powerful　savior　and　ruler　was　　still　living；　with　the　difference　that　he　was　no　longer　the　emperor　　invoked　by　Dante；　but　the　Capetian　king　of　France。　With　his　departure　　the　illusion　was　broken；　but　it　was　long　before　all　understood　how　　completely　Charles　VIII；　Louis　XII；　and　Francis　I　had　mistaken　their　　true　relation　to　Italy；　and　by　what　inferior　motives　they　were　led。　The　　princes；　for　their　part；　tried　to　make　use　of　France　in　a　wholly　　different　way。　When　the　Franco…English　wars　came　to　an　end；　when　Louis　　XI　began　to　cast　about　his　diplomatic　nets　on　all　sides；　and　Charles　of　　Burgundy　to　embark　on　his　foolish　adventures；　the　Italian　Cabinets　came　　to　meet　them　at　every　point。　It　became　clear　that　the　intervention　of　　France　was　only　a　question　of　time；　even　if　the　claims　on　Naples　and　　Milan　had　never　existed；　and　that　the　old　interference　with　Genoa　and　　Piedmont　was　only　a　type　of　what　was　to　follow。　The　Venetians；　in　fact；　　expected　it　as　early　as　1462。　The　mortal　terror　of　the　Duke　Galeazzo　　Maria　of　Milan　during　the　Burgundian　war；　in　which　he　was　apparently　　the　ally　of　Charles　as　well　as　of　Louis；　and　consequently　had　reason　to　　dread　an　attack　from　both；　is　strikingly　shown　in　his　correspondence。　　The　plan　of　an　equilibrium　of　the　four　chief　Italian　powers；　as　　understood　by　Lorenzo　the　Magnificent；　was　but　the　assumption　of　a　　cheerful　optimistic　spirit；　which　had　outgrown　both　the　recklessness　of　　an　experimental　policy　and　the　superstitions　of　Florentine　Guelphism；　　and　persisted　in　hoping　for　the　best。　When　Louis　XI　offered　him　aid　in　　the　war　against　Ferrante　of　Naples　and　Sixtus　IV；　he　replied；　'I　cannot　　set　my　own　advantage　above　the　safety　of　all　Italy；　would　to　God　it　　never　came　into　the　mind　of　the　French　kings　to　try　their　strength　in　　this　country！　Should　they　ever　do　so；　Italy　is　lost。'　For　the　other　　princes；　the　King　of　France　was　alternately　a　bugbear　to　themselves　and　　their　enemies；　and　they　threatened　to　call　him　in　whenever　they　saw　no　　more　convenient　way　out　of　their　difficulties。　The　Popes；　in　their　　turn；　fancied　that　they　could　make　use　of　France　without　any　danger　to　　themselves；　and　even　Innocent　VIII　imagined　that　he　could　withdraw　to　　sulk　in　the　North；　and　return　as　a　conqueror　to　Italy　at　the　head　of　a　　French　army。

Thoughtful　men；　indeed；　foresaw　the　foreign　conquest　long　before　the　　expedition　of　Charles　VIII。　And　when　Charles　was　back　again　on　the　　other　side　of　the　Alps；　it　was　plain　to　every　eye　that　an　era　of　　intervention　had　begun。　Misfortune　now　followed　on　misfortune；　it　was　　understood　too　late　that　France　and　Spain；　the　two　chief　invaders；　had　　become　great　European　powers；　that　they　would　be　no　longer　satisfied　　with　verbal　homage；　but　would　fight　to　the　death　for　influence　and　　territory　in　Italy。　They　had　begun　to　resemble　the　centralized　Italian　　States；　and　indeed　to　copy　them；　only　on　a　gigantic　scale。　Schemes　of　　annexation　or　exchange　of　territory　were　for　a　time　indefinitely　　multiplied。　The　end；　as　is　well　known；　was　the　complete　victory　of　　Spain；　which；　as　sword　and　shield　of　the　counter…reformation；　long　held　　Papacy　among　its　other　subjects。　The　melancholy　reflections　of　the　　philosophers　could　only　show　them　how　those　who　had　called　in　the　　barbarians　all　came　to　a　bad　end。

Alliances　were　at　the　same　time　formed　with　the　Turks　too；　with　as　　little　scruple　or　disguise；　they　were　reckoned　no　worse　than　any　other　　political　expedients。　The　belief　in　the　unity　of　Western　Christendom　　had　at　various　times　in　the　course　of　the　Crusades　been　seriously　　shaken；　and　Frederick　II　had　probably　outgrown　it。　But　the　fresh　　advance　of　the　Oriental　nations；　the　need　and　the　ruin　of　the　Greek　　Empire；　had　revived　the　old　feeling；　though　not　in　its　former　strength；　　throughout　Western　Europe。　Italy；　however；　was　a　striking　exception　to　　this　rule。　Great　as　was　the　terror　felt　for　the　Turks；　and　the　actual　　danger　from　them；　there　was　yet　scarcely　a　government　of　any　　consequence　which　did　not　conspire　against　other　Italian　States　with　　Mohammed　II　and　his　successors。　And　when　they　did　not　do　so；　they　still　　had　the　credit　of　it；　nor　was　it　worse　than　the　sending　of　emissaries　　to　poison　the　cisterns　of　Venice；　which　was　the　charge　brought　against　　the　heirs　of　Alfonso；　King　of　Naples。　From　a　scoundrel　like　Sigismondo　　Malatesta　nothing　better　could　be　expected　than　that　he　should　call　the　　Turks　into　Italy。　But　the　Aragonese　monarchs　of　Naples；　from　whom　　Mohammedat　the　instigation；　we　read；　of　other　Italian　governments；　　especially　of　Venicehad　once　wrested　Otranto　（1480）；　afterwards　　hounded　on　the　Sultan　Bajazet　II　against　the　Venetians。　The　same　charge　　was　brought　against　Lodovico　il　Moro。　'The　blood　of　the　slain；　and　the　　misery　of　the　prisoners　in　the　hands　of　the　Turks；　cry　to　God　for　　vengeance　against　him；'　says　the　State　historian。　In　Venice；　where　the　　government　was　informed　of　everything；　it　was　known　that　Giovanni　　Sforza；　ruler　of　Pesaro；　the　cousin　of　Lodovico；　had　entertained　the　　Turkish　ambassadors　on　their　way　to　Milan。　The　two　most　respectable　　among　the　Popes　of　the　fifteenth　century；　Nicholas　V　and　Pius　II；　died　　in　the　deepest　grief　at　the　progress　of　the　Turks；　the　latter　indeed　　amid　the　preparations　for　a　crusade　which　he　was　hoping　to　lead　in　　person；　their　successors　embezzled　the　contributions　sent　for　this　　purpose　from　all　parts　of　Christendom；　and　degraded　the　indulgences　　granted　in　return　for　them　into　a　private　commercial　speculation。　　Innocent　VIII　consented　to　be　gaoler　to　the　fugitive　Prince　Djem；　for　a　　salary　paid　by　the　prisoner's　brother　Bajazet　II；　and　Alexander　VI　　supported　the　steps　taken　by　Lodovico　il　Moro　in　Constantinople　to　　further　a　Turkish　assault　upon　Venice　（1498）；　whereupon　the　latter　　threatened　him　with　a　Council。　It　is　clear　that　the　notorious　alliance　　between　Francis　I　and　Soliman　II　was　nothing　new　or　unheard　of。

Indeed；　we　find　instances　of　whole　populations　to　whom　it　seemed　no　　particular　crime　to　go　over　bodily　to　the　Turks。　Even　if　it　were　held　　out　as　a　threat　to　oppressive　governments；　this　is　at　least　a　proof　　that　the　idea　had　become　familiar。　As　early　as　1480　Battista　Mantovano　　gives　us　clearly　to　understand　that　most　of　the　inhabitants　of　the　　Adriatic　coast　foresaw　something　o　f　this　kind；　and　that　Ancona　in　　particular　desired　it。　When　Romagna　was　suffering　from　the　oppressive　　government　of　Leo　X；　a　deputy　from　Ravenna　said　openly　to　the　Legate；　　Cardinal　Giulio　Medici：　'Monsignore；　the　honorable　Republic　of　Venice　　will　not　have　us；　for　fear　of　a　dispute　with　the　Holy　See；　but　if　the　　Turk　comes　to　Ragusa　we　will　put　ourselves　into　his　hands。'

It　was　a　poor　but　not　wholly　groundless　consolation　for　the　enslavement　　of　Italy　then　begun　by　the　Spaniards；　that　the　country　was　at　least　　secured　from　the　relapse　into　barbarism　which　would　have　awaited　it　　under　the　Turkish　rule。　By　itself；　divided　as　it　was；　it　could　hardly　　have　escaped　this　fate。

If；　with　all　these　drawbacks；　the　Italian　statesmanship　of　this　period　　deserves　our　praise；　it　is　only　on　the　ground　of　its　practical　and　　unprejudiced　treatment　of　those　questions　which　were　not　affected　by　　fear；　passion；　or　malice。　Here　was　no　feudal　system　after　the　northern　　fashion；　with　its　artificial　scheme　of　rights；　but　the　power　which　each　　possessed　he　held　in　practice　as　in　theory。　Here　was　no　attendant　　nobility　to　foster　in　the　mind　of　the　prince　the　mediaeval　sense　of　　honour　with　all　its　strange　consequences；　but　princes　and　counsellors　　were　agreed　in　acting　according　to　the　exigencies　of　the　particular　　case　and　to　the　end　they　had　in　view。　Towards　the　men　whose　services　　were　used　and　towards　allies；　come　from　what　quarter　they　might；　no　　pride　of　caste　was　felt　which　could　possibly　estrange　a　supporter；　and　　the　class　of　the　Condottieri；　in　which　birth　was　a　matter　of　　indifference；　shows　clearly　enough　in　what　sort　of　hands　the　real　power　　lay；　and　lastly；　the　government；　in　the　hands　of　an　enlightened　despot；　　had　an　incomparably　more　accurate　acquaintance　with　its　own　country　and　　with　that　of　its　neighbors　than　was　possessed　by　northern　　contemporaries；　and　estimated　the　economical　and　moral　capacities　of　　friend　and　foe　down　to　the　smallest　particular。　The　rulers　were；　　notwithstanding　grave　errors；　born　masters　of　statistical　science。　With　　such　men　negotiation　was　possible；　it　might　be　p