the civilization of the renaissance in italy-第16部分

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egotiation　was　possible；　it　might　be　presumed　that　they　would　　be　convinced　and　their　opinion　modified　when　practical　reasons　were　　laid　before　them。　When　the　great　Alfonso　of　Naples　was　（1434）　a　　prisoner　of　Filippo　Maria　Visconti；　he　was　able　to　satisfy　his　gaoler　　that　the　rule　of　the　House　of　Anjou　instead　of　his　own　at　Naples　would　　make　the　French　masters　of　Italy；　Filippo　Maria　set　him　free　without　　ransom　and　made　an　alliance　with　him。　A　northern　prince　would　scarcely　　have　acted　in　the　same　way；　certainly　not　one　whose　morality　in　other　　respects　was　like　that　of　Visconti。　What　confidence　was　felt　in　the　　power　of　self…interest　is　shown　by　the　celebrated　visit　（1478）　which　　Lorenzo　Magnifico；　to　the　universal　astonishment　of　the　Florentines；　　paid　the　faithless　Ferrante　at　Naplesa　man　who　would　certainly　be　　tempted　to　keep　him　a　prisoner；　and　was　by　no　means　too　scrupulous　to　　do　so。　For　to　arrest　a　powerful　monarch；　and　then　to　let　him　go　alive；　　after　extorting　his　signature　and　otherwise　insulting　him；　as　Charles　　the　Bold　did　to　Louis　XI　at　Peronne　（1468）；　seemed　madness　to　the　　Italians；　so　that　Lorenzo　was　expected　to　come　back　covered　with　glory；　　or　else　not　to　come　back　at　all。　The　art　of　political　persuasion　was　at　　this　time　raised　to　a　pointespecially　by　the　Venetian　ambassadors　of　　which　northern　nations　first　obtained　a　conception　from　the　Italians；　　and　of　which　the　official　addresses　give　a　most　imperfect　idea。　These　　are　mere　pieces　of　humanistic　rhetoric。　Nor；　in　spite　of　an　otherwise　　ceremonious　etiquette　was　there　in　case　of　need　any　lack　of　rough　and　　frank　speaking　in　diplomatic　intercourse。　A　man　like　Machiavelli　　appears　in　his　'Legazioni'　in　an　almost　pathetic　light。　Furnished　with　　scanty　instructions；　shabbily　equipped；　and　treated　as　an　agent　of　　inferior　rank；　he　never　loses　his　gift　of　free　and　wide　observation　or　　his　pleasure　in　picturesque　description。

A　special　division　of　this　work　will　treat　of　the　study　of　man　　individually　and　nationally；　which　among　the　Italians　went　hand　in　hand　　with　the　study　of　the　outward　conditions　of　human　life。

War　as　a　Work　of　Art

It　must　here　be　briefly　indicated　by　what　steps　the　art　of　war　assumed　　the　character　of　a　product　of　reflection。　Throughout　the　countries　of　　the　West　the　education　of　the　individual　soldier　in　the　Middle　Ages　was　　perfect　within　the　limits　of　the　then　prevalent　system　of　defence　and　　attack：　nor　was　there　any　want　of　ingenious　inventors　in　the　arts　of　　besieging　and　of　fortification。　But　the　development　both　of　strategy　　and　of　tactics　was　hindered　by　the　character　and　duration　of　military　　service；　and　by　the　ambition　of　the　nobles；　who　disputed　questions　of　　precedence　in　the　face　of　the　enemy；　and　through　simple　want　of　　discipline　caused　the　loss　of　great　battles　like　Crecy　and　Maupertuis。　　Italy；　on　the　contrary；　was　the　first　country　to　adopt　the　system　of　　mercenary　troops；　which　demanded　a　wholly　different　organization；　and　　the　early　intro…　duction　of　firearms　did　its　part　in　making　war　a　　democratic　pursuit；　not　only　because　the　strongest　castles　were　unable　　to　withstand　a　bombardment；　but　because　the　skill　of　the　engineer；　of　　the　gunfounder；　and　of　the　artillerist　men　belonging　to　another　class　　than　the　nobilitywas　now　of　the　first　importance　in　a　campaign。　It　　was　felt；　with　regret；　that　the　value　of　the　individual；　which　had　been　　the　soul　of　the　small　and　admirably　organized　bands　of　mercenaries；　　would　suffer　from　these　novel　means　of　destruction；　which　did　their　　work　at　a　distance；　and　there　were　Condottieri　who　opposed　to　the　　utmost　the　introduction　at　least　of　the　musket；　which　had　lately　been　　invented　in　Germany。　We　read　that　Paolo　Vitelli；　while　recognizing　and　　himself　adopting　the　cannon；　put　out　the　eyes　and　cut　off　the　hands　of　　the　captured　'schioppettieri'　（arquebusiers）　because　he　held　it　　unworthy　that　a　gallant；　and　it　might　be　noble；　knight　should　be　　wounded　and　laid　low　by　a　common；　despised　foot　soldier。　On　the　whole；　　however；　the　new　discoveries　were　accepted　and　turned　to　useful　　account；　till　the　Italians　became　the　teachers　of　all　Europe；　both　in　　the　build…　ing　of　fortifications　and　in　the　means　of　attacking　them。　　Princes　like　Federigo　of　Urbino　and　Alfonso　of　Ferrara　acquired　a　　mastery　of　the　subject　compared　to　which　the　knowledge　even　of　　Maximilian　I　appears　superficial。　In　Italy；　earlier　than　elsewhere；　　there　existed　a　comprehensive　science　and　art　of　military　affairs；　　here；　for　the　first　time；　that　impartial　delight　is　taken　in　able　　generalship　for　its　own　sake；　which　might；　indeed；　be　expected　from　the　　frequent　change　of　party　and　from　the　wholly　unsentimental　mode　of　　action　of　the　Condottieri。　During　the　Milano…Venetian　war　of　1451　and　　1452；　between　Francesco　Sforza　and　Jacopo　Piccinino；　the　headquarters　　of　the　latter　were　attended　by　the　scholar　Gian　Antonio　Porcellio　dei　　Pandoni；　commissioned　by　Alfonso　of　Naples　to　write　a　report　of　the　　campaign。　It　is　written；　not　in　the　purest；　but　in　a　fluent　Latin；　a　　little　too　much　in　the　style　of　the　humanistic　bombast　of　the　day；　is　　modelled　on　Caesar's　Commentaries；　and　interspersed　with　speeches；　　prodigies；　and　the　like。　Since　for　the　past　hundred　years　it　had　been　　seriously　disputed　whether　Scipio　Africanus　or　Hannibal　was　the　　greater；　Piccinino　through　the　whole　book　must　needs　be　called　Scipio　　and　Sforza　Hannibal。　But　something　positive　had　to　be　reported　too　　respecting　the　Milanese　army；　the　sophist　presented　himself　to　Sforza；　　was　led　along　the　ranks；　praised　highly　all　that　he　saw；　and　promised　　to　hand　it　down　to　posterity。　Apart　from　him　the　Italian　literature　of　　the　day　is　rich　in　descriptions　of　wars　and　strategic　devices；　written　　for　the　use　of　educated　men　in　general　as　well　as　of　specialists；　while　　the　contemporary　narratives　of　northerners；　such　as　the　'Burgundian　　War'　by　Diebold　Schilling；　still　retain　the　shapelessness　and　matter…　of…fact　dryness　of　a　mere　chronicle。　The　greatest　_dilettante　_who　has　　ever　treated　in　that　character　of　military　affairs；　Machiavelli；　was　　then　busy　writing　his　'Arte　della　Guerra。'　But　the　development　of　the　　individual　soldier　found　its　most　complete　expression　in　those　public　　and　solemn　conflicts　between　one　or　more　pairs　of　combatants　which　were　　practiced　long　before　the　famous　'Challenge　of　Barletta'　（1503）。　The　　victor　was　assured　of　the　praises　of　poets　and　scholars；　which　were　　denied　to　the　northern　warrior。　The　result　of　these　combats　was　no　　longer　regarded　as　a　Divine　judgement；　but　as　a　triumph　of　personal　　merit；　and　to　the　minds　of　the　spectators　seemed　to　be　both　the　　decision　of　an　exciting　competition　and　a　satisfaction　for　the　honour　　of　the　army　or　the　nation。

It　is　obvious　that　this　purely　rational　treatment　of　warlike　affairs　　allowed；　under　certain　circumstances；　of　the　worst　atrocities；　even　in　　the　absence　of　a　strong　political　hatred；　as；　for　instance；　when　the　　plunder　of　a　city　had　been　promised　to　the　troops。　After　the　forty　　days'　devastation　of　Piacenza；　which　Sforza　was　compelled　to　permit　to　　his　soldiers　（1477）；　the　town　long　stood　empty；　and　at　last　had　to　be　　peopled　by　force。　Yet　outrages　like　these　were　nothing　compared　with　　the　misery　which　was　afterwards　brought　upon　Italy　by　foreign　troops；　　and　most　of　all　by　the　Spaniards；　in　whom　perhaps　a　touch　of　oriental　　blood；　perhaps　familiarity　with　the　spectacles　of　the　Inquisition；　had　　unloosed　the　devilish　element　of　human　nature。　After　seeing　them　at　　work　at　Prato；　Rome；　and　elsewhere；　it　is　not　easy　to　take　any　interest　　of　the　higher　sort　in　Ferdinand　the　Catholic　and　Charles　V　who　knew　　what　these　hordes　were；　and　yet　unchained　them。　The　mass　of　documents　　which　are　gradually　brought　to　light　from　the　cabinets　of　these　rulers　　will　always　remain　an　important　source　of　historical　information；　but　　from　such　men　no　fruitful　political　conception　can　be　looked　for。

The　Papacy

The　Papacy　and　the　dominions　of　the　Church　are　creations　of　so　peculiar　　a　kind　that　we　have　hitherto；　in　determining　the　general　　characteristics　of　Italian　States；　referred　to　them　only　occasionally。　　The　deliberate　choice　and　adaptation　of　political＇　expedients；　which　　gives　so　great　an　interest　to　the　other　States　is　what　we　find　least　of　　all　at　Rome；　since　here　the　spiritual　power　could　constantly　conceal　or　　supply　the　defects　of　the　temporal。　And　what　fiery　trials　did　this　　State　undergo　in　the　fourteenth　and　the　beginning　of　the　fifteenth　　century；　when　the　Papacy　was　led　captive　to　Avignon！　All；　at　first；　was　　thrown　into　confusion；　but　the　Pope　had　money；　troops；　and　a　great　　statesman　and　general；　the　Spaniard　Albornoz；　who　again　brought　the　　ecclesiastical　State　into　complete　subjection。　The　danger　of　a　final　　dissolution　was　still　greater　at　the　time　of　the　schism；　when　neither　　the　Roman　nor　the　French　Pope　was　rich　enough　to　reconquer　the　newly…　lost　State；　but　this　was　done　under　Martin　V；　after　the　unity　of　the　　Church　was　restored；　and　done　again　under　Eugenius　IV；　when　the　same　　danger　was　renewed。　But　the　ecclesiastical　State　was　and　remained　a　　thorough　anomaly　among　the　powers　of　Italy；　in　and　near　Rome　itself；　　the　Papacy　was　defied　by　the　great　families　of　the　Colonna；　Orsini；　　Savelli　and　Anguillara；　in　Umbria；　in　the　Marches；　and　in　Romagna；　　those　civic　republics　had　almost　ceased　to　exist；　for　whose　devotion　　the　Papacy　had　shown　so　little　gratitude；　their　place　had　been　taken　by　　a　crowd　of　princely　dynasties；　great　or　small；　whose　loyalty　and　　obedience　signified　little。　As　self…dependent　powers；　standing　on　their　　own　merits；　they　have　an　interest　of　their　own；　and　from　this　point　of　　view　the　most　important　of　them　have　already　been　discussed。

Nevertheless；　a　few　general　remarks　on　the　Papacy　can　hardly　be　　dispensed　with。　New　and　strange　perils　and　trials　came　upon　it　in　the　　course　of　the　fifteenth　century；　as　the　political　spirit　of　the　nation　　began　to　lay　hold　upon　it　on　various　sides；　and　to　draw　it　within　the　　sphere　of　its　action。　The　least　of　these　dangers　came　from　the　populace　　or　from　abroad；　the　most　serious　had　their　ground　in　the　characters　of　　the　Popes　themselves。

Let　us；　for　this　moment；　leave　out　of　consideration　the　countries　　beyond　th