thoughts on the present discontents-第17部分

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things；　ought　in　a　particular　manner　to　be　considered　by　the
electors　in　the　inquiry　which　is　recommended　to　them。　　This　is　one
of　the　principal　holdings　of　that　destructive　system　which　has
endeavoured　to　unhinge　all　the　virtuous；　honourable；　and　useful
connections　in　the　kingdom。

This　cabal　has；　with　great　success；　propagated　a　doctrine　which
serves　for　a　colour　to　those　acts　of　treachery；　and　whilst　it
receives　any　degree　of　countenance；　it　will　be　utterly　senseless　to
look　for　a　vigorous　opposition　to　the　Court　Party。　　The　doctrine　is
this：　　That　all　political　connections　are　in　their　nature　factious；
and　as　such　ought　to　be　dissipated　and　destroyed；　and　that　the　rule
for　forming　Administrations　is　mere　personal　ability；　rated　by　the
judgment　of　this　cabal　upon　it；　and　taken　by　drafts　from　every
division　and　denomination　of　public　men。　　This　decree　was　solemnly
promulgated　by　the　head　of　the　Court　corps；　the　Earl　of　Bute
himself；　in　a　speech　which　he　made；　in　the　year　1766；　against　the
then　Administration；　the　only　Administration　which；　he　has　ever　been
known　directly　and　publicly　to　oppose。

It　is　indeed　in　no　way　wonderful；　that　such　persons　should　make　such
declarations。　　That　connection　and　faction　are　equivalent　terms；　is
an　opinion　which　has　been　carefully　inculcated　at　all　times　by
unconstitutional　Statesmen。　　The　reason　is　evident。　　Whilst　men　are
linked　together；　they　easily　and　speedily　communicate　the　alarm　of
an　evil　design。　　They　are　enabled　to　fathom　it　with　common　counsel；
and　to　oppose　it　with　united　strength。　　Whereas；　when　they　lie
dispersed；　without　concert；　order；　or　discipline；　communication　is
uncertain；　counsel　difficult；　and　resistance　impracticable。　　Where
men　are　not　acquainted　with　each　other's　principles；　nor　experienced
in　each　other's　talents；　nor　at　all　practised　in　their　mutual
habitudes　and　dispositions　by　joint　efforts　in　business；　no　personal
confidence；　no　friendship；　no　common　interest；　subsisting　among
them；　it　is　evidently　impossible　that　they　can　act　a　public　part
with　uniformity；　perseverance；　or　efficacy。　　In　a　connection；　the
most　inconsiderable　man；　by　adding　to　the　weight　of　the　whole；　has
his　value；　and　his　use；　out　of　it；　the　greatest　talents　are　wholly
unserviceable　to　the　public。　　No　man；　who　is　not　inflamed　by
vainglory　into　enthusiasm；　can　flatter　himself　that　his　single；
unsupported；　desultory；　unsystematic　endeavours；　are　of　power　to
defeat；　the　subtle　designs　and　united　cabals　of　ambitious　citizens。
When　bad　men　combine；　the　good　must　associate；　else　they　will　fall；
one　by　one；　an　unpitied　sacrifice　in　a　contemptible　struggle。

It　is　not　enough　in　a　situation　of　trust　in　the　commonwealth；　that　a
man　means　well　to　his　country；　it　is　not　enough　that　in　his　single
person　he　never　did　an　evil　act；　but　always　voted　according　to　his
conscience；　and　even　harangued　against　every　design　which　he
apprehended　to　he　prejudicial　to　the　interests　of　his　country。　　This
innoxious　and　ineffectual　character；　that　seems　formed　upon　a　plan
of　apology　and　disculpation；　falls　miserably　short　of　the　mark　of
public　duty。　　That　duty　demands　and　requires；　that　what　is　right
should　not　only　be　made　known；　but　made　prevalent；　that　what　is　evil
should　not　only　be　detected；　but　defeated。　　When　the　public　man
omits　to　put　himself　in　a　situation　of　doing　his　duty　with　effect；
it　is　an　omission　that　frustrates　the　purposes　of　his　trust　almost
as　much　as　if　he　had　formally　betrayed　it。　　It　is　surely　no　very
rational　account　of　a　man's　life　that　he　has　always　acted　right；　but
has　taken　special　care　to　act　in　such　a　manner　that　his　endeavours
could　not　possibly　be　productive　of　any　consequence。

I　do　not　wonder　that　the　behaviour　of　many　parties　should　have　made
persons　of　tender　and　scrupulous　virtue　somewhat　out　of　humour　with
all　sorts　of　connection　in　politics。　　I　admit　that　people　frequently
acquire　in　such　confederacies　a　narrow；　bigoted；　and　proscriptive
spirit；　that　they　are　apt　to　sink　the　idea　of　the　general　good　in
this　circumscribed　and　partial　interest。　　But；　where　duty　renders　a
critical　situation　a　necessary　one；　it　is　our　business　to　keep　free
from　the　evils　attendant　upon　it；　and　not　to　fly　from　the　situation
itself。　　If　a　fortress　is　seated　in　an　unwholesome　air；　an　officer
of　the　garrison　is　obliged　to　be　attentive　to　his　health；　but　he
must　not　desert　his　station。　　Every　profession；　not　excepting　the
glorious　one　of　a　soldier；　or　the　sacred　one　of　a　priest；　is　liable
to　its　own　particular　vices；　which；　however；　form　no　argument
against　those　ways　of　life；　nor　are　the　vices　themselves　inevitable
to　every　individual　in　those　professions。　　Of　such　a　nature　are
connections　in　politics；　essentially　necessary　for　the　full
performance　of　our　public　duty；　accidentally　liable　to　degenerate
into　faction。　　Commonwealths　are　made　of　families；　free
Commonwealths　of　parties　also；　and　we　may　as　well　affirm；　that　our
natural　regards　and　ties　of　blood　tend　inevitably　to　make　men　bad
citizens；　as　that　the　bonds　of　our　party　weaken　those　by　which　we
are　held　to　our　country。

Some　legislators　went　so　far　as　to　make　neutrality　in　party　a　crime
against　the　State。　　I　do　not　know　whether　this　might　not　have　been
rather　to　overstrain　the　principle。　　Certain　it　is；　the　best
patriots　in　the　greatest　commonwealths　have　always　commanded　and
promoted　such　connections。　　Idem　sentire　de　republica；　was　with　them
a　principal　ground　of　friendship　and　attachment；　nor　do　I　know　any
other　capable　of　forming　firmer；　dearer；　more　pleasing；　more
honourable；　and　more　virtuous　habitudes。　　The　Romans　carried　this
principle　a　great　way。　　Even　the　holding　of　offices　together；　the
disposition　of　which　arose　from　chance；　not　selection；　gave　rise　to
a　relation　which　continued　for　life。　　It　was　called　necessitudo
sortis；　and　it　was　looked　upon　with　a　sacred　reverence。　　Breaches　of
any　of　these　kinds　of　civil　relation　were　considered　as　acts　of　the
most　distinguished　turpitude。　　The　whole　people　was　distributed　into
political　societies；　in　which　they　acted　in　support　of　such
interests　in　the　State　as　they　severally　affected。　　For　it　was　then
thought　no　crime；　to　endeavour　by　every　honest　means　to　advance　to
superiority　and　power　those　of　your　own　sentiments　and　opinions。
This　wise　people　was　far　from　imagining　that　those　connections　had
no　tie；　and　obliged　to　no　duty；　but　that　men　might　quit　them　without
shame；　upon　every　call　of　interest。　　They　believed　private　honour　to
be　the　great　foundation　of　public　trust；　that　friendship　was　no　mean
step　towards　patriotism；　that　he　who；　in　the　common　intercourse　of
life；　showed　he　regarded　somebody　besides　himself；　when　he　came　to
act　in　a　public　situation；　might　probably　consult　some　other
interest　than　his　own。　　Never　may　we　become　plus　sages　que　les
sages；　as　the　French　comedian　has　happily　expressed　itwiser　than
all　the　wise　and　good　men　who　have　lived　before　us。　　It　was　their
wish；　to　see　public　and　private　virtues；　not　dissonant　and　jarring；
and　mutually　destructive；　but　harmoniously　combined；　growing　out　of
one　another　in　a　noble　and　orderly　gradation；　reciprocally
supporting　and　supported。　　In　one　of　the　most　fortunate　periods　of
our　history　this　country　was　governed　by　a　connection；　I　mean　the
great　connection　of　Whigs　in　the　reign　of　Queen　Anne。　　They　were
complimented　upon　the　principle　of　this　connection　by　a　poet　who　was
in　high　esteem　with　them。　　Addison；　who　knew　their　sentiments；　could
not　praise　them　for　what　they　considered　as　no　proper　subject　of
commendation。　　As　a　poet　who　knew　his　business；　he　could　not　applaud
them　for　a　thing　which　in　general　estimation　was　not　highly
reputable。　　Addressing　himself　to　Britain；


〃Thy　favourites　grow　not　up　by　fortune's　sport；
Or　from　the　crimes　or　follies　of　a　Court；
On　the　firm　basis　of　desert　they　rise；
From　long…tried　faith；　and　friendship's　holy　ties。〃


The　Whigs　of　those　days　believed　that　the　only　proper　method　of
rising　into　power　was　through　bard　essays　of　practised　friendship
and　experimented　fidelity。　　At　that　time　it　was　not　imagined　that
patriotism　was　a　bloody　idol；　which　required　the　sacrifice　of
children　and　parents；　or　dearest　connections　in　private　life；　and　of
all　the　virtues　that　rise　from　those　relations。　　They　were　not　of
that　ingenious　paradoxical　morality　to　imagine　that　a　spirit　of
moderation　was　properly　shown　in　patiently　bearing　the　sufferings　of
your　friends；　or　that　disinterestedness　was　clearly　manifested　at
the　expense　of　other　people's　fortune。　　They　believed　that　no　men
could　act　with　effect　who　did　not　act　in　concert；　that　no　men　could
act　in　concert　who　did　not　act　with　confidence；　that　no　men　could
act　with　confidence　who　were　not　bound　together　by　common　opinions；
common　affections；　and　common　interests。

These　wise　men；　for　such　I　must　call　Lord　Sunderland；　Lord
Godolphin；　Lord　Somers；　and　Lord　Marlborough；　were　too　well
principled　in　these　maxims；　upon　which　the　whole　fabric　of　public
strength　is　built；　to　be　blown　off　their　ground　by　the　breath　of
every　childish　talker。　　They　were　not　afraid　that　they　should　be
called　an　ambitious　Junto；　or　that　their　resolution　to　stand　or　fall
together　should；　by　placemen；　be　interpreted　into　a　scuffle　for
places。

Party　is　a　body　of　men　united　for　promoting　by　their　joint
endeavours　the　national　interest；　upon　some　particular　principle　in
which　they　are　all　agreed。　　For　my　part；　I　find　it　impossible　to
conceive　that　any　one　believes　in　his　own　politics；　or　thinks　them
to　be　of　any　weight；　who　refuses　to　adopt　the　means　of　having　them
reduced　into　practice。　　It　is　the　business　of　the　speculative
philosopher　to　mark　the　proper　ends　of　Government。　　It　is　the
business　of　the　politician；　who　is　the　philosopher　in　action；　to
find　out　proper　means　towards　those　ends；　and　to　employ　them　with
effect。　　Therefore；　every　honourable　connection　will　avow　it　as
their　first　purpose　to　pursue　every　just　method　to　put　the　men　who
hold　their　opinions　into　such　a　condition　as　may　enable　them　to
carry　their　common　plans　into　execution；　with　all　the　power　and
authority　of　the　State。　　As　this　power　is　attached　to　certain
situations；