thoughts on the present discontents-第18部分

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authority　of　the　State。　　As　this　power　is　attached　to　certain
situations；　it　is　their　duty　to　contend　for　these　situations。
Without　a　proscription　of　others；　they　are　bound　to　give　to　their
own　party　the　preference　in　all　things；　and　by　no　means；　for　private
considerations；　to　accept　any　offers　of　power　in　which　the　whole
body　is　not　included；　nor　to　suffer　themselves　to　be　led；　or　to　be
controlled；　or　to　be　over…balanced；　in　office　or　in　council；　by
those　who　contradict；　the　very　fundamental　principles　on　which　their
party　is　formed；　and　even　those　upon　which　every　fair　connection
must　stand。　　Such　a　generous　contention　for　power；　on　such　manly　and
honourable　maxims；　will　easily　be　distinguished　from　the　mean　and
interested　struggle　for　place　and　emolument。　　The　very　style　of　such
persons　will　serve　to　discriminate　them　from　those　numberless
impostors　who　have　deluded　the　ignorant　with　professions
incompatible　with　human　practice；　and　have　afterwards　incensed　them
by　practices　below　the　level　of　vulgar　rectitude。

It　is　an　advantage　to　all　narrow　wisdom　and　narrow　morals　that　their
maxims　have　a　plausible　air；　and；　on　a　cursory　view；　appear　equal　to
first　principles。　　They　are　light　and　portable。　　They　are　as　current
as　copper　coin；　and　about　as　valuable。　　They　serve　equally　the　first
capacities　and　the　lowest；　and　they　are；　at　least；　as　useful　to　the
worst　men　as　the　best。　　Of　this　stamp　is　the　cant　of　NOT　MEN；　BUT
MEASURES；　a　sort　of　charm；　by　which　many　people　got　loose　from　every
honourable　engagement。　　When　I　see　a　man　acting　this　desultory　and
disconnected　part；　with　as　much　detriment　to　his　own　fortune　as
prejudice　to　the　cause　of　any　party；　I　am　not　persuaded　that　he　is
right；　but　I　am　ready　to　believe　he　is　in　earnest。　　I　respect　virtue
in　all　its　situations；　even　when　it　is　found　in　the　unsuitable
company　of　weakness。　　I　lament　to　see　qualities；　rare　and　valuable；
squandered　away　without　any　public　utility。　　But　when　a　gentleman
with　great　visible　emoluments　abandons　the　party　in　which　he　has
long　acted；　and　tells　you　it　is　because　he　proceeds　upon　his　own
judgment　that　he　acts　on　the　merits　of　the　several　measures　as　they
arise；　and　that　he　is　obliged　to　follow　his　own　conscience；　and　not
that　of　others；　he　gives　reasons　which　it　is　impossible　to
controvert；　and　discovers　a　character　which　it　is　impossible　to
mistake。　　What　shall　we　think　of　him　who　never　differed　from　a
certain　set　of　men　until　the　moment　they　lost　their　power；　and　who
never　agreed　with　them　in　a　single　instance　afterwards？　　Would　not
such　a　coincidence　of　interest　and　opinion　be　rather　fortunate？
Would　it　not　be　an　extraordinary　cast　upon　the　dice　that　a　man's
connections　should　degenerate　into　faction；　precisely　at　the
critical　moment　when　they　lose　their　power　or　he　accepts　a　place？
When　people　desert　their　connections；　the　desertion　is　a　manifest
fact；　upon　which　a　direct　simple　issue　lies；　triable　by　plain　men。
Whether　a　MEASURE　of　Government　be　right　or　wrong　is　NO　MATTER　OF
FACT；　but　a　mere　affair　of　opinion；　on　which　men　may；　as　they　do；
dispute　and　wrangle　without　end。　　But　whether　the　individual　thinks
the　measure　right　or　wrong　is　a　point　at　still　a　greater　distance
from　the　reach　of　all　human　decision。　　It　is　therefore　very
convenient　to　politicians　not　to　put　the　judgment　of　their　conduct
on　overt　acts；　cognisable　in　any　ordinary　court；　but　upon　such　a
matter　as　can　be　triable　only　in　that　secret　tribunal；　where　they
are　sure　of　being　heard　with　favour；　or　where　at　worst　the　sentence
will　be　only　private　whipping。

I　believe　the　reader　would　wish　to　find　no　substance　in　a　doctrine
which　has　a　tendency　to　destroy　all　test　of　character　as　deduced
from　conduct。　　He　will　therefore　excuse　my　adding　something　more
towards　the　further　clearing　up　a　point　which　the　great　convenience
of　obscurity　to　dishonesty　has　been　able　to　cover　with　some　degree
of　darkness　and　doubt。

In　order　to　throw　an　odium　on　political　connection；　these
politicians　suppose　it　a　necessary　incident　to　it　that　you　are
blindly　to　follow　the　opinions　of　your　party　when　in　direct
opposition　to　your　own　clear　ideas；　a　degree　of　servitude　that　no
worthy　man　could　bear　the　thought　of　submitting　to；　and　such　as；　I
believe；　no　connections　（except　some　Court　factions）　ever　could　be
so　senselessly　tyrannical　as　to　impose。　　Men　thinking　freely　will；
in　particular　instances；　think　differently。　　But　still；　as　the
greater　Part　of　the　measures　which　arise　in　the　course　of　public
business　are　related　to；　or　dependent　on；　some　great　leading　general
principles　in　Government；　a　man　must　be　peculiarly　unfortunate　in
the　choice　of　his　political　company　if　he　does　not　agree　with　them
at　least　nine　times　in　ten。　　If　he　does　not　concur　in　these　general
principles　upon　which　the　party　is　founded；　and　which　necessarily
draw　on　a　concurrence　in　their　application；　he　ought　from　the
beginning　to　have　chosen　some　other；　more　conformable　to　his
opinions。　　When　the　question　is　in　its　nature　doubtful；　or　not　very
material；　the　modesty　which　becomes　an　individual；　and　（in　spite　of
our　Court　moralists）　that　partiality　which　becomes　a　well…chosen
friendship；　will　frequently　bring　on　an　acquiescence　in　the　general
sentiment。　　Thus　the　disagreement　will　naturally　be　rare；　it　will　be
only　enough　to　indulge　freedom；　without　violating　concord　or
disturbing　arrangement。　　And　this　is　all　that　ever　was　required　for
a　character　of　the　greatest　uniformity　and　steadiness　in　connection。
How　men　can　proceed　without　any　connection　at　all　is　to　me　utterly
incomprehensible。　　Of　what　sort　of　materials　must　that　man　be　made；
how　must　he　be　tempered　and　put　together；　who　can　sit　whole　years　in
Parliament；　with　five　hundred　and　fifty　of　his　fellow…citizens；
amidst　the　storm　of　such　tempestuous　passions；　in　the　sharp　conflict
of　so　many　wits；　and　tempers；　and　characters；　in　the　agitation　of
such　mighty　questions；　in　the　discussion　of　such　vast　and　ponderous
interests；　without　seeing　any　one　sort　of　men；　whose　character；
conduct；　or　disposition　would　lead　him　to　associate　himself　with
them；　to　aid　and　be　aided；　in　any　one　system　of　public　utility？

I　remember　an　old　scholastic　aphorism；　which　says　that　〃the　man　who
lives　wholly　detached　from　others　must　be　either　an　angel　or　a
devil。〃　　When　I　see　in　any　of　these　detached　gentlemen　of　our　times
the　angelic　purity；　power；　and　beneficence；　I　shall　admit　them　to　be
angels。　　In　the　meantime；　we　are　born　only　to　be　men。　　We　shall　do
enough　if　we　form　ourselves　to　be　good　ones。　　It　is　therefore　our
business　carefully　to　cultivate　in　our　minds；　to　rear　to　the　most
perfect　vigour　and　maturity；　every　sort　of　generous　and　honest
feeling　that　belongs　to　our　nature。　　To　bring　the；　dispositions　that
are　lovely　in　private　life　into　the　service　and　conduct　of　the
commonwealth；　so　to　be　patriots；　as　not　to　forget　we　are　gentlemen。
To　cultivate　friendships；　and　to　incur　enmities。　　To　have　both
strong；　but　both　selected：　　in　the　one；　to　be　placable；　in　the
other；　immovable。　　To　model　our　principles　to　our　duties　and　our
situation。　　To　be　fully　persuaded　that　all　virtue　which　is
impracticable　is　spurious；　and　rather　to　run　the　risk　of　falling
into　faults　in　a　course　which　leads　us　to　act　with　effect　and　energy
than　to　loiter　out　our　days　without　blame　and　without　use。　　Public
life　is　a　situation　of　power　and　energy；　he　trespasses　against　his
duty　who　sleeps　upon　his　watch；　as　well　as　he　that　goes　over　to　the
enemy。

There　is；　however；　a　time　for　all　things。　　It　is　not　every
conjuncture　which　calls　with　equal　force　upon　the　activity　of　honest
men；　but　critical　exigences　now　and　then　arise；　and　I　am　mistaken　if
this　be　not　one　of　them。　　Men　will　see　the　necessity　of　honest
combination；　but　they　may　see　it　when　it　is　too　late。　　They　may
embody　when　it　will　be　ruinous　to　themselves；　and　of　no　advantage　to
the　country；　when；　for　want　of　such　a　timely　union　as　may　enable
them　to　oppose　in　favour　of　the　laws；　with　the　laws　on　their　side；
they　may　at　length　find　themselves　under　the　necessity　of
conspiring；　instead　of　consulting。　　The　law；　for　which　they　stand；
may　become　a　weapon　in　the　hands　of　its　bitterest　enemies；　and　they
will　be　cast；　at　length；　into　that　miserable　alternative；　between
slavery　and　civil　confusion；　which　no　good　man　can　look　upon　without
horror；　an　alternative　in　which　it　is　impossible　he　should　take
either　part　with　a　conscience　perfectly　at　repose。　　To　keep　that
situation　of　guilt　and　remorse　at　the　utmost　distance　is；　therefore；
our　first　obligation。　　Early　activity　may　prevent　late　and　fruitless
violence。　　As　yet　we　work　in　the　light。　　The　scheme　of　the　enemies
of　public　tranquillity　has　disarranged；　it　has　not　destroyed　us。

If　the　reader　believes　that　there　really　exists　such　a　Faction　as　I
have　described；　a　Faction　ruling　by　the　private　inclinations　of　a
Court；　against　the　general　sense　of　the　people；　and　that　this
Faction；　whilst　it　pursues　a　scheme　for　undermining　all　the
foundations　of　our　freedom；　weakens　（for　the　present　at　least）　all
the　powers　of　executory　Government；　rendering　us　abroad
contemptible；　and　at　home　distracted；　he　will　believe；　also；　that
nothing　but　a　firm　combination　of　public　men　against　this　body；　and
that；　too；　supported　by　the　hearty　concurrence　of　the　people　at
large；　can　possibly　get　the　better　of　it。　　The　people　will　see　the
necessity　of　restoring　public　men　to　an　attention　to　the　public
opinion；　and　of　restoring　the　Constitution　to　its　original
principles。　　Above　all；　they　will　endeavour　to　keep　the　House　of
Commons　from　assuming　a　character　which　does　not　belong　to　it。　　They
will　endeavour　to　keep　that　House；　for　its　existence　for　its　powers；
and　its　privileges；　as　independent　of　every　other；　and　as　dependent
upon　themselves；　as　possible。　　This　servitude　is　to　a　House　of
Commons　（like　obedience　to　the　Divine　law）；　〃perfect　freedom。〃　　For
if　they　once　quit　this　natural；　rational；　and　liberal　obedience；
having　deserted　the　only　proper　foundation　of　their　power；　they　must
seek　a　support　in　an　abject　and　unnatural　dependence　somewhere　else。
When；　through　the　medium　of　this　just　connection　with　their
con