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repetition of falsehoods are induced to consider the fiction as



truth; had so often dwelt with complacency on the forgeries of his



Detections; and the figments of his History; that he at length



regarded his fictions and his forgeries as most authentic facts。〃







At all events his fictions and his forgeries had not paid him in



that coin which base men generally consider the only coin worth



having; namely; the good things of this life。  He left nothing



behind himif at least Dr。 Irving has rightly construed the



〃Testament Dative〃 which he gives in his appendixsave arrears to



the sum of 100 pounds of his Crossraguel pension。  We may believe as



we choose the story in Mackenzie's 〃Scotch Writers〃 that when he



felt himself dying; he asked his servant Young about the state of



his funds; and finding he had not enough to bury himself withal;



ordered what he had to be given to the poor; and said that if they



did not choose to bury him they might let him lie where he was; or



cast him in a ditch; the matter was very little to him。  He was



buried; it seems; at the expense of the city of Edinburgh; in the



Greyfriars' Churchyardone says in a plain turf graveamong the



marble monuments which covered the bones of worse or meaner men; and



whether or not the 〃Throughstone〃 which; 〃sunk under the ground in



the Greyfriars;〃 was raised and cleaned by the Council of Edinburgh



in 1701; was really George Buchanan's; the reigning powers troubled



themselves little for several generations where he lay。







For Buchanan's politics were too advanced for his age。  Not only



Catholic Scotsmen; like Blackwood; Winzet; and Ninian; but



Protestants; like Sir Thomas Craig and Sir John Wemyss; could not



stomach the 〃De Jure Regni。〃  They may have had some reason on their



side。  In the then anarchic state of Scotland; organisation and



unity under a common head may have been more important than the



assertion of popular rights。  Be that as it may; in 1584; only two



years after his death; the Scots Parliament condemned his Dialogue



and History as untrue; and commanded all possessors of copies to



deliver them up; that they might be purged of 〃the offensive and



extraordinary matters〃 which they contained。  The 〃De Jure Regni〃



was again prohibited in Scotland; in 1664; even in manuscript; and



in 1683; the whole of Buchanan's political works had the honour of



being burned by the University of Oxford; in company with those of



Milton; Languet; and others; as 〃pernicious books; and damnable



doctrines; destructive to the sacred persons of Princes; their state



and government; and of all human society。〃  And thus the seed which



Buchanan had sown; and Milton had wateredfor the allegation that



Milton borrowed from Buchanan is probably true; and equally



honourable to bothlay trampled into the earth; and seemingly



lifeless; till it tillered out; and blossomed; and bore fruit to a



good purpose; in the Revolution of 1688。







To Buchanan's clear head and stout heart; Scotland owes; as England



owes likewise; much of her modern liberty。  But Scotland's debt to



him; it seems to me; is even greater on the count of morality;



public and private。  What the morality of the Scotch upper classes



was like; in Buchanan's early days; is too notorious; and there



remains proof enoughin the writings; for instance; of Sir David



Lindsaythat the morality of the populace; which looked up to the



nobles as its example and its guide; was not a whit better。  As



anarchy increased; immorality was likely to increase likewise; and



Scotland was in serious danger of falling into such a state as that



into which Poland fell; to its ruin; within a hundred and fifty



years after; in which the savagery of feudalism; without its order



or its chivalry; would be varnished over by a thin coating of French



〃civilisation;〃 and; as in the case of Bothwell; the vices of the



court of Paris should be added to those of the Northern freebooter。



To deliver Scotland from that ruin; it was needed that she should be



united into one people; strong; not in mere political; but in moral



ideas; strong by the clear sense of right and wrong; by the belief



in the government and the judgments of a living God。  And the tone



which Buchanan; like Knox; adopted concerning the great crimes of



their day; helped notably that national salvation。  It gathered



together; organised; strengthened; the scattered and wavering



elements of public morality。  It assured the hearts of all men who



loved the right and hated the wrong; and taught a whole nation to



call acts by their just names; whoever might be the doers of them。



It appealed to the common conscience of men。  It proclaimed a



universal and God…given morality; a bar at which all; from the



lowest to the highest; must alike be judged。







The tone was stern:   but there was need of sternness。  Moral life



and death were in the balance。  If the Scots people were to be told



that the crimes which roused their indignation were excusable; or



beyond punishment; or to be hushed up and slipped over in any way;



there was an end of morality among them。  Every man; from the



greatest to the least; would go and do likewise; according to his



powers of evil。  That method was being tried in France; and in Spain



likewise; during those very years。  Notorious crimes were hushed up



under pretence of loyalty; excused as political necessities; smiled



away as natural and pardonable weaknesses。  The result was the utter



demoralisation; both of France and Spain。  Knox and Buchanan; the



one from the standpoint of an old Hebrew prophet; the other rather



from that of a Juvenal or a Tacitus; tried the other method; and



called acts by their just names; appealing alike to conscience and



to God。  The result was virtue and piety; and that manly



independence of soul which is thought compatible with hearty



loyalty; in a country labouring under heavy disadvantages; long



divided almost into two hostile camps; two rival races。







And the good influence was soon manifest; not only in those who



sided with Buchanan and his friends; but in those who most opposed



them。  The Roman Catholic preachers; who at first asserted Mary's



right to impurity while they allowed her guilt; grew silent for



shame; and set themselves to assert her entire innocence; while the



Scots who have followed their example have; to their honour; taken



up the same ground。  They have fought Buchanan on the ground of



fact; not on the ground of morality:   they have allegedas they



had a fair right to dothe probability of intrigue and forgery in



an age so profligate:   the improbability that a Queen so gifted by



nature and by fortune; and confessedly for a long while so strong



and so spotless; should as it were by a sudden insanity have proved



so untrue to herself。  Their noblest and purest sympathies have been



enlistedand who can blame them?in loyalty to a Queen; chivalry



to a woman; pity for the unfortunate andas they conceivedthe



innocent; but whether they have been right or wrong in their view of



facts; the Scotch partisans of Mary have alwaysas far as I know



been right in their view of morals; they have never deigned to admit



Mary's guilt; and then to palliate it by those sentimental; or



rather sensual; theories of human nature; too common in a certain



school of French literature; too common; alas! in a certain school



of modern English novels。  They have not said; 〃She did it; but



after all; was the deed so very inexcusable?〃  They have said; 〃The



deed was inexcusable:   but she did not do it。〃  And so the Scotch



admirers of Mary; who have numbered among them many a pure and



noble; as well as many a gifted spirit; have kept at least



themselves unstained; and have shown; whether consciously or not;



that they too share in that sturdy Scotch moral sense which has been



so much strengthenedas I believe by the plain speech of good old



George Buchanan。















Footnotes:







{1}  This lecture was delivered in America in 1874。







{2}  Black; translator of Mallett's 〃Northern Antiquities;〃



Supplementary Chapter I。; and Rafn's 〃Antiquitates Americanae。〃







{3}  On the Fiftieth Birthday of Agassiz。







{4}  This lecture was given in America in 1874。







{5}  This lecture was given in America in 1874。







{6}  This lecture and the two preceding ones; being published after



the author's death; have not had the benefit of his corrections。







{7}  A Life of Rondelet; by his pupil Laurent Joubert; is to be



found appended to his works; and with an account of his illness and



death; by his cousin; Claude Formy; which is well worth the perusal



of any man; wise or foolish。  Many interesting details beside; I owe



to the courtesy of Professor Planchon; of Montpellier; author of a



discourse on 〃Rondelet et vies Disciples;〃 which appeared; with a



learned and curious Appendix; in the 〃Montpellier Medical〃 for 1866。







{8}  This lecture was given at Cambridge in 1869。







{9}  This lecture was given at Cambridge in 1869。







{10}  I owe this account of Bloet'swhich appears to me the only



one trustworthyto the courtesy and erudition of Professor Henry



Morley; who finds it quoted from Bloet's 〃Acroama;〃 in the



〃Observationum Medicarum Rariorum;〃 lib。 vii。; of John Theodore



Schenk。  Those who wish to know several curious passages of



Vesalius's life; 

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