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are　not　for　it；　a　second　way　is　to　give　up　the　Union。　　I　am　against

this。　　Are　you　for　it？　　If　you　are　you　should　say　so　plainly。　　If　you

are　not　for　force　nor　yet　for　dissolution；　there　only　remains　some

imaginable　compromise。



I　do　not　believe　that　any　compromise　embracing　the　maintenance　of　the

Union　is　now　possible。　　All　that　I　learn　leads　to　a　directly　opposite

belief。　　The　strength　of　the　rebellion　is　its　military；　its　army。

That　army　dominates　all　the　country　and　all　the　people　within　its

range。　　Any　offer　of　terms　made　by　any　man　or　men　within　that　range；

in　opposition　to　that　army；　is　simply　nothing　for　the　present；

because　such　man　or　men　have　no　power　whatever　to　enforce　their　side

of　a　compromise；　if　one　were　made　with　them。



To　illustrate：　Suppose　refugees　from　the　South　and　peace　men　of　the

North　get　together　in　convention；　and　frame　and　proclaim　a　compromise

embracing　a　restoration　of　the　Union。　　In　what　way　can　that

compromise　be　used　to　keep　Lee's　army　out　of　Pennsylvania？　　Meade's

army　can　keep　Lee's　army　out　of　Pennsylvania；　and；　I　think；　can

ultimately　drive　it　out　of　existence。　　But　no　paper　compromise　to

which　the　controllers　of　Lee's　army　are　not　agreed　can　at　all　affect

that　army。　　In　an　effort　at　such　compromise　we　would　waste　time；

which　the　enemy　would　improve　to　our　disadvantage；　and　that　would　be

all。



A　compromise；　to　be　effective；　must　be　made　either　with　those　who

control　the　rebel　army；　or　with　the　people；　first　liberated　from　the

domination　of　that　army　by　the　success　of　our　own　army。　　Now　allow　me

to　assure　you　that　no　word　or　intimation　from　that　rebel　army；　or

from　any　of　the　men　controlling　it；　in　relation　to　any　peace

compromise；　has　ever　come　to　my　knowledge　or　belief。　　All　charges　and

insinuations　to　the　contrary　are　deceptive　and　groundless。　　And　I

promise　you　that　if　any　such　proposition　shall　hereafter　come；　it

shall　not　be　rejected　and　kept　a　secret　from　you。　　I　freely

acknowledge　myself　to　be　the　servant　of　the　people；　according　to　the

bond　of　service；　the　United　States　Constitution；　and　that；　as　such；　I

am　responsible　to　them。



But；　to　be　plain：　You　are　dissatisfied　with　me　about　the　negro。

Quite　likely　there　is　a　difference　of　opinion　between　you　and　myself

upon　that　subject。　　I　certainly　wish　that　all　men　could　be　free；

while　you；　I　suppose；　do　not。　　Yet；　I　have　neither　adopted　nor

proposed　any　measure　which　is　not　consistent　with　even　your　view；

provided　you　are　for　the　Union。　　I　suggested　compensated

emancipation；　to　which　you　replied　you　wished　not　to　be　taxed　to　buy

negroes。　　But　I　had　not　asked　you　to　be　taxed　to　buy　negroes；　except

in　such　way　as　to　save　you　from　greater　taxation　to　save　the　Union

exclusively　by　other　means。



You　dislike　the　Emancipation　Proclamation；　and　perhaps　would　have　it

retracted。　　You　say　it　is　unconstitutional。　　I　think　differently。　　I

think　the　Constitution　invests　its　commander…in…chief　with　the　law　of

war　in　time　of　war。　　The　most　that　can　be　said；　if　so　much；　is；　that

slaves　are　property。　　Is　there；　has　there　ever　been；　any　question

that　by　the　law　of　war；　property；　both　of　enemies　and　friends；　may　be

taken　when　needed？　　And　is　it　not　needed　whenever　it　helps　us　and

hurts　the　enemy？　　Armies；　the　world　over；　destroy　enemies'　property

when　they　cannot　use　it；　and　even　destroy　their　own　to　keep　it　from

the　enemy。　　Civilized　belligerents　do　all　in　their　power　to　help

themselves　or　hurt　the　enemy；　except　a　few　things　regarded　as

barbarous　or　cruel。　　Among　the　exceptions　are　the　massacre　of

vanquished　foes　and　non…combatants；　male　and　female。



But　the　proclamation；　as　law；　either　is　valid　or　is　not　valid。　　If　it

is　not　valid　it　needs　no　retraction。　　If　it　is　valid　it　cannot　be

retracted；　any　more　than　the　dead　can　be　brought　to　life。　　Some　of

you　profess　to　think　its　retraction　would　operate　favorably　for　the

Union；　why　better　after　the　retraction　than　before　the　issue？　　There

was　more　than　a　year　and　a　half　of　trial　to　suppress　the　rebellion

before　the　proclamation　was　issued；　the　last　one　hundred　days　of

which　passed　under　an　explicit　notice　that　it　was　coming；　unless

averted　by　those　in　revolt　returning　to　their　allegiance。　　The　war

has　certainly　progressed　as　favorably　for　us　since　the　issue　of　the

proclamation　as　before。



I　know；　as　fully　as　one　can　know　the　opinions　of　others；　that　some　of

the　commanders　of　our　armies　in　the　field；　who　have　given　us　our　most

important　victories；　believe　the　emancipation　policy　and　the　use　of

colored　troops　constitute　the　heaviest　blows　yet　dealt　to　the

rebellion；　and　that　at　least　one　of　those　important　successes　could

not　have　been　achieved　when　it　was　but　for　the　aid　of　black　soldiers。



Among　the　commanders　who　hold　these　views　are　some　who　have　never　had

any　affinity　with　what　is　called　〃Abolitionism；〃　or　with　〃Republican

Party　politics；〃　but　who　hold　them　purely　as　military　opinions。　　　I

submit　their　opinions　are　entitled　to　some　weight　against　the

objections　often　urged　that　emancipation　and　arming　the　blacks　are

unwise　as　military　measures；　and　were　not　adopted　as　such　in　good

faith。

You　say　that　you　will　not　fight　to　free　negroes。　　Some　of　them　seem

willing　to　fight　for　you；　but　no　matter。　　Fight　you；　then；

exclusively；　to　save　the　Union。　　I　issued　the　proclamation　on　purpose

to　aid　you　in　saving　the　Union。　　Whenever　you　shall　have　conquered

all　resistance　to　the　Union；　if　I　shall　urge　you　to　continue

fighting；　it　will　be　an　apt　time　then　for　you　to　declare　you　will　not

fight　to　free　negroes。　　I　thought　that　in　your　struggle　for　the

Union；　to　whatever　extent　the　negroes　should　cease　helping　the　enemy；

to　that　extent　it　weakened　the　enemy　in　his　resistance　to　you。　　Do

you　think　differently？　　I　thought　that　whatever　negroes　can　be　got　to

do　as　soldiers；　leaves　just　so　much　less　for　white　soldiers　to　do　in

saving　the　Union。　　Does　it　appear　otherwise　to　you？　　But　negroes；

like　other　people；　act　upon　motives。　　Why　should　they　do　anything　for

us　if　we　will　do　nothing　for　them？　　If　they　stake　their　lives　for　us

they　must　be　prompted　by　the　strongest　motive；　even　the　promise　of

freedom。　　And　the　promise；　being　made；　must　be　kept。



The　signs　look　better。　　The　Father　of　Waters　again　goes　unvexed　to

the　sea。　　Thanks　to　the　great　Northwest　for　it；　nor　yet　wholly　to

them。　　Three　hundred　miles　up　they　met　New　England；　Empire；　Keystone；

and　Jersey；　hewing　their　way　right　and　left。　　The　sunny　South；　too；

in　more　colors　than　one；　also　lent　a　helping　hand。　　On　the　spot；

their　part　of　the　history　was　jotted　down　in　black　and　white。　　The

job　was　a　great　national　one；　and　let　none　be　slighted　who　bore　an

honorable　part　in　it　　And　while　those　who　have　cleared　the　great

river　may　well　be　proud；　even　that　is　not　all。　　It　is　hard　to　say

that　anything　has　been　more　bravely　and　well　done　than　at　Antietam；

Murfreesboro；　Gettysburg；　and　on　many　fields　of　less　note。　　Nor　must

Uncle　Sam's　web…feet　be　forgotten。　　At　all　the　watery　margins　they

have　been　present；　not　only　on　the　deep　sea；　the　broad　bay；　and　the

rapid　river；　but　also　up　the　narrow；　muddy　bayou；　and　wherever　the

ground　was　a　little　damp；　they　have　been　and　made　their　tracks。

Thanks　to　all。　　For　the　great　Republicfor　the　principle　it　lives　by

and　keeps　alivefor　man's　vast　futurethanks　to　all。



Peace　does　not　appear　so　distant　as　it　did。　　I　hope　it　will　come

soon；　and　come　to　stay；　and　so　come　as　to　be　worth　the　keeping　in　all

future　time。　　It　will　then　have　been　proved　that　among　freemen　there

can　be　no　successful　appeal　from　the　ballot　to　the　bullet；　and　that

they　who　take　such　appeal　are　sure　to　lose　their　case　and　pay　the

cost。　　And　there　will　be　some　black　men　who　can　remember　that　with

silent　tongue；　and　clinched　teeth；　and　steady　eye；　and　well…poised

bayonet；　they　have　helped　mankind　on　to　this　great　consummation；

while　I　fear　there　will　be　some　white　ones　unable　to　forget　that　with

malignant　heart　and　deceitful　speech　they　have　striven　to　hinder　it。



Still；　let　us　not　be　over…sanguine　of　a　speedy；　final　triumph。　　Let

us　be　quite　sober。　　Let　us　diligently　apply　the　means；　never　doubting

that　a　just　God；　in　His　own　good　time；　will　give　us　the　rightful

result。



Yours　very　truly；



A。　LINCOLN。









TO　JAMES　CONKLING。

（Private。）

WAR　DEPARTMENT；　WASHINGTON　CITY；　D。　C。；

August　27。1863。



HON。　JAMES　CONKLING。



MY　DEAR　CONKLING：I　cannot　leave　here　now。　　Herewith　is　a　letter

instead。　　You　are　one　of　the　best　public　readers。　　I　have　but　one

suggestionread　it　very　slowly。　　And　now　God　bless　you；　and　all　good

Union　men。



Yours　as　ever；



A。　LINCOLN。









TO　SECRETARY　STANTON。



EXECUTIVE　MANSION；　WASHINGTON；　D。　C。；

August　26；　1863。



HON。　SECRETARY　OF　WAR

SIR：…In　my　correspondence　with　Governor　Seymour　in　relation　to　the

draft；　I　have　said　to　him；　substantially；　that　credits　shall　be　given

for　volunteers　up　to　the　latest　moment；　before　drawing　in　any

district；　that　can　be　done　without　producing　confusion　or　delay。　　In

order　to　do　this；　let　our　mustering　officers　in　New　York　and

elsewhere　be　at；　once　instructed　that　whenever　they　muster　into　our

service　any　number　of　volunteers；　to　at　once　make　return　to　the　War

Department；　both　by　telegraph　and　mail；　the　date　of　the　muster；　the

number　mustered；　and　the　Congressional　or　enrolment　district　or

districts；　of　their　residences；　giving　the　numbers　separately　for

each　district。　　Keep　these　returns　diligently　posted；　and　by　them

give　full　credit　on　the　quotas；　if　possible；　on　the　last　day　before

the　draft　begins　in　any　district。



Again；　I　have　informed　Governor　Seymour　that　he　shall　be　notified　of

the　time　when　the　draft　is　to　commence　in　each　district　in　his　State。

This　is　equally　proper　for　all　the　States。　In　order　to　carry　it　out；

I　propose　that　so　soon　as　the　day　for　commencing　the　draft　in　any