the spirit of laws-第112部分

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e　find　in　the　sentences　of　Paulus；＇48＇　who　lived　under　Niger；　and　in　the　fragments　of　Ulpian；＇49＇　who　was　in　the　time　of　Alexander　Severus；　that　the　sisters　on　the　father's　side　might　succeed；　and　that　none　but　the　relatives　of　a　more　distant　degree　were　in　the　case　of　those　prohibited　by　the　Voconian　law。

The　ancient　laws　of　Rome　began　to　be　thought　severe。　The　pr？tors　were　no　longer　moved　except　by　reasons　of　equity；　moderation；　and　decorum。

We　have　seen；　that　by　the　ancient　laws　of　Rome　mothers　had　no　share　in　the　inheritance　of　their　children。　The　Voconian　law　afforded　a　new　reason　for　their　exclusion。　But　the　Emperor　Claudius　gave　the　mother　the　succession　of　her　children　as　a　consolation　for　her　loss。　The　Tertullian　senatus　consultum；　made　under　Adrian；＇50＇　gave　it　them　when　they　had　three　children　if　free　women；　or　four　if　they　were　freedwomen。　It　is　evident；　that　this　decree　of　the　senate　was　only　an　extension　of　the　Papian　law；　which　in　the　same　case　had　granted　to　women　the　inheritance　left　them　by　strangers。　At　length　Justinian　favoured　them　with　the　succession　independently　of　the　number　of　their　children。＇51＇

The　same　causes　which　had　debilitated　the　law　against　the　succession　of　women　subverted　that；　by　degrees；　which　had　limited　the　succession　of　the　relatives　on　the　woman's　side。

These　laws　were　extremely　conformable　to　the　spirit　of　a　good　republic；　where　they　ought　to　have　such　an　influence　as　to　prevent　this　sex　from　rendering　either　the　possession；　or　the　expectation　of　wealth；　an　instrument　of　luxury。　On　the　contrary；　the　luxury　of　a　monarchy　rendering　marriage　expensive　and　costly；　it　ought　to　be　there　encouraged；　both　by　the　riches　which　women　may　bestow；　and　by　the　hope　of　the　inheritances　it　is　in　their　power　to　procure。　Thus　when　monarchy　was　established　at　Rome；　the　whole　system　of　successions　was　changed。　The　pr？tors　called　the　relatives　of　the　woman's　side　in　default　of　those　of　the　male　side；　though　by　the　ancient　laws；　the　relatives　on　the　woman's　side　were　never　called。　The　Orphitian　senatus　consultum　called　children　to　the　succession　of　their　mother；　and　the　Emperors　Valentinian；　Theodosius；　and　Arcadius　called　the　grandchildren　by　the　daughter　to　the　succession　of　the　grandfather。＇52＇　In　short；　the　Emperor　Justinian＇53＇　left　not　the　least　vestige　of　the　ancient　right　of　successions：　he　established　three　orders　of　heirs；　the　descendants；　the　ascendants；　and　the　collaterals；　without　any　distinction　between　the　males　and　females；　between　the　relatives　on　the　woman's　side；　and　those　on　the　male　side；　and　abrogated　all　laws　of　this　kind；　which　were　still　in　force：　he　believed　that　he　followed　nature；　even　in　deviating　from　what　he　called　the　embarrassments　of　the　ancient　jurisprudence。

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1。　Dionysius　Halicarnassus；　ii。　3。　Plutarch's　comparison　between　Numa　and　Lycurgus。

2。　Ast　si　intestato　moritur　cui　suus　h？res　nec　exhabit；　agnatus　proximus　familiam　habeto。　Fragment　of　the　law　of　the　Twelve　Tables　in　Ulpian；　the　last　title。

3。　See　Ulpian；　Fragment。；　§　8；　tit。　26。　Institutes；　tit。　3；　In　pr？mio　ad　S。C。　Tertullianum。

4。　Paul；　Sentences；　tit。　8；　§　3。

5。　Institutes；　iii；　tit。　1；　§　15。

6。　Book　iv；　p。　276。

7。　Dionysius　Halicarnassus　proves；　by　a　law　of　Numa；　that　the　law　which　permitted　a　father　to　sell　his　son　three　times　was　made　by　Romulus；　and　not　by　the　Decemvirs。　　Book　ii。

8。　See　Plutarch；　Solon。

9。　This　testament；　called　in　procinctu；　was　different　from　that　which　they　styled　military；　which　was　established　only　by　the　constitutions　of　the　emperors。　Leg。　1；　ff。　de　militari　testamento。　This　was　one　of　the　artifices　by　which　they　cajoled　the　soldiers。

10。　This　testament　was　not　in　writing；　and　it　was　without　formality；　sine　libra　et　tabulis；　as　Cicero　says；　De　Orat。；　i。

11。　Institutes；　ii；　tit。　10；　§　1。　Aulus　Gellius；　xv。　27。　They　called　this　form　of　testament　per　？s　et　libram。

12。　Ulpian；　tit。　10；　§　2。

13。　Theophilus；　Institutes；　ii；　tit。　10。

14。　Livy；　iv；　Nondum　argentum　signatum　erat。　He　speaks　of　the　time　of　the　siege　of　Veii。

15。　Tit。　20；　§　13。

16。　Institutes；　ii；　tit。　10；　§　1。

17。　Let　Titus　be　my　heir。

18。　Vulgar；　pupillary；　and　exemplary。

19。　Augustus；　for　particular　reasons；　first　began　to　authorise　the　fiduciary　bequest；　which；　in　the　Roman　law；　was　called　fidei　commissum。　Institutes；　ii；　tit。　23；　§　1。

20。　Ad　liberos　matris　intestat？　h？redit　as；　leg。　12　Tab。；　non　pertinebat；　quia；　f？min？　suos　h？redes　non　habent。　Ulpian；　Fragment。；　tit。　26；　§　7。

21。　It　was　proposed　by　Quintus　Voconius；　tribune　of　the　people；　in　the　year　585　of　Rome；　169　B。C。　See　Cicero；　Second　Oration　against　Verres。　In　the　Epitome　of　Livy；　xli　we　should　read　Voconius；　instead　of　Voluminus。

22。　Sanxit　。　。　。　。　。　ne　quis　h？redem　virginern　neve　mulierem　faceret。　　Cicero；　Second　Oration　against　Verres；　107。

23。　Legem　tulit；　ne　quis　h？redem　mulierem　institueret　　Book　xli。

24。　Second　Oration　against　Verres。

25。　City　of　God；　iii。　21。

26。　Epitome　of　Livy；　xli。

27。　Book　xvii；　6。

28。　Institutes；　ii；　tit。　22

29。　Ibid。

30。　Nemo　censuit　plus　Fadi？　dandum；　quam　posset　ad　cam　lege　Voconia　pervenire。　De　Finib。　boni　et　mali；　ii。　55。

31。　Cum　lege　Voconia　mulieribus　prohiberetur；　ne　qua　majorem　centum　millibus　nummum　h？reditatem　posset　adire。　Book　lvi。

32。　Qui　census　esset。　Second　Oration　against　Verres。

33。　Census　non　erat。　Ibid。

34。　Book　iv。

35。　Oratio　pro　C？cinna。

36。　These　five　classes　were　so　considerable；　that　authors　sometimes　mention　no　more　than　five。

37。　In　C？ritum　tabulas　referri；　？rarius　fieri。

38。　Cicero；　De　Finib。　boni　et　mali；　ii。　58。

39。　Ibid。

40。　Sextilius　said　he　had　sworn　to　observe　it。　　Cicero；　De　Finib。　boni　et　mali；　ii。　55。

41。　See　what　has　been　said　in　xxiii。　21。

42。　The　same　difference　occurs　in　several　regulations　of　the　Papian　law。　See　Ulpian；　Fragment。　tit。　ult。；　§§　4；　5；　6。

43。　See　Ulpian；　Fragment。；　tit。　15；　§　16。

44。　Quod　tibi　filiolus；　vel　filia　nascitur　ex　me；　Jura　Parentis　habes；　propter　me　scriberis　h？res。　　Juvenal；　Sat。　ix。　5；　83；　87。

45。　See　Leg。　9；　Cod。　Theod。　De　bonis　proscriptorum；　and　Dio；　lv。　See　Ulpian；　Fragment。；　tit。　ult。；　§　6；　and　tit。　29；　§　3。

46。　Ulpian；　Fragment。；　tit。　16；　§　1。　Sozomenus；　i。　29。

47。　Book　xx。　1。

48。　Book　iv；　tit。　8；　§　3。

49。　Tit。　26；　§　6。

50。　That　is；　the　Emperor　Pius　who　changed　his　name　to　that　of　Adrian　by　adoption。

51。　Leg。　2；　Cod。　de　jure　liberorum。　Institutes；　tit。　3；　§　4；　de　senatus　consult。　Tertul。

52。　Leg。　9；　Cod。　de　suis　et　legitimis　liberis。

53。　Leg。　12；　ibid。；　and　Nov。　118；　127。




Book　XXVIII。　Of　the　Origin　and　Revolutions　of　the　Civil　Laws　among　the　French

1。　Different　Character　of　the　Laws　of　the　several　People　of　Germany。　After　the　Franks　had　quitted　their　own　country；　they　made　a　compilation　of　the　Salic　laws　with　the　assistance　of　the　sages　of　their　own　nation。＇1＇　The　tribe　of　the　Ripuarian　Franks　having　joined　itself　under　Clovis＇2＇　to　that　of　the　Salians　preserved　its　own　customs；　and　Theodoric；＇3＇　King　of　Austrasia；　ordered　them　to　be　reduced　to　writing。　He　collected　likewise　the　customs　of　those　Bavarians　and　Germans；　who　were　dependent　on　his　kingdom。＇4＇　For　Germany　having　been　weakened　by　the　migration　of　such　a　multitude　of　people；　the　Franks；　after　conquering　all　before　them；　made　a　retrograde　march　and　extended　their　dominion　into　the　forests　of　their　ancestors。　Very　likely　the　Thuringian　code　was　given　by　the　same　Theodoric；　since　the　Thuringians　were　also　his　subjects。＇5＇　As　the　Frisians　were　subdued　by　Charles　Martel　and　Pepin；　their　law　cannot　be　prior　to　those　princes。＇6＇　Charlemagne；　the　first　that　reduced　the　Saxons；　gave　them　the　law　still　extant；　and　we　need　only　read　these　last　two　codes　to　be　convinced　they　came　from　the　hands　of　conquerors。　As　soon　as　the　Visigoths；　the　Burgundians；　and　the　Lombards　had　founded　their　respective　kingdoms；　they　reduced　their　laws　to　writing；　not　with　an　intent　of　obliging　the　vanquished　nations　to　conform　to　their　customs；　but　with　a　design　of　following　them　themselves。

There　is　an　admirable　simplicity　in　the　Salic　and　Ripuarian　laws；　as　well　as　in　those　of　the　Alemans；　Bavarians；　Thuringians；　and　Frisians。　They　breathe　an　original　coarseness　and　a　spirit　which　no　change　or　corruption　of　manners　had　weakened。　They　received　but　very　few　alterations；　because　all　those　people；　except　the　Franks；　remained　in　Germany。　Even　the　Franks　themselves　laid　there　the　foundation　of　a　great　part　of　their　empire；　so　that　they　had　none　but　German　laws。　The　same　cannot　be　said　of　the　laws　of　the　Visigoths；　of　the　Lombards　and　Burgundians；　their　character　considerably　altered　from　the　great　change　which　happened　in　the　character　of　those　people　after　they　had　settled　in　their　new　habitations。

The　kingdom　of　the　Burgundians　did　not　last　long　enough　to　admit　of　great　changes　in　the　laws　of　the　conquering　nation。　Gundebald　and　Sigismond；　who　collected　their　customs；　were　almost　the　last　of　their　kings。　The　laws　of　the　Lombards　received　additions　rather　than　changes。　The　laws　of　Rotharis　were　followed　by　those　of　Grimoaldus；　Luitprandus；　Rachis；　and　Astulphus；　but　did　not　assume　a　new　form。　It　was　not　so　with　the　laws　of　the　Visigoths；＇7＇　their　kings　new…moulded　them；　and　had　them　also　new…moulded　by　the　clergy。

The　kings　indeed　of　the　first　race　struck　out　of　the　Salic　and　Ripuarian　laws　whatever　was　absolutely　inconsistent　with　Christianity；　but　left　the　main　part　untouched。＇8＇　This　cannot　be　said　of　the　laws　of　the　Visigoths。

The　laws　of　the　Burgundians；　and　especially　those　of　the　Visigoths；　admitted　of　corporal　punishments；　these　were　not　tolerated　by　the　Salic　and　Ripuarian　laws；＇9＇　they　preserved　their　character　much　better。

The　Burgundians　and　Visigoths；　whose　provinces　were　greatly　exposed；　endeavoured　to　conciliate　the　affections　of　the　ancient　inhabitants；　and　to　give　them　the　most　impartial　civil　laws；＇10＇　but　as　the　Kings　of　the　Franks　had　established　their　power；　they　had　no　such　considerations。＇11＇

The　Saxons；　who　lived　under　the　dominion　of　the　Franks；　were　of　an　intractable　temper；　and　prone　to　revolt。　Hence　we　find　in　their　laws　the　severities　of　a　conqueror；＇12＇　which　are　not　to　be　met　with　in　the　other　codes　o