the spirit of laws-第137部分

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；　both　the　truth　and　the　fiction　contained　in　that　life　are　in　relation　to　the　customs　and　laws　of　those　times；　and　it　is　these　customs　and　laws　we　are　investigating。＇169＇

Clotharius　II　orders　the　bishops　or　the　nobility　who　are　possessed　of　estates　in　distant　parts；　to　choose　upon　the　very　spot　those　who　are　to　administer　justice；　or　to　receive　the　judiciary　emoluments。＇170＇

The　same　prince　regulates　the　judiciary　power　between　the　ecclesiastic　courts　and　his　officers。＇171＇　The　Capitulary　of　Charlemagne　in　the　year　802　prescribes　to　the　bishops　and　abbots　the　qualifications　necessary　for　their　officers　of　justice。　Another　capitulary　of　the　same　prince　inhibits　the　royal　officers＇172＇　to　exercise　any　jurisdiction　over　those　who　are　employed　in　cultivating　church　lands；　except　they　entered　into　that　state　by　fraud；　and　to　exempt　themselves　from　contributing　to　the　public　charges。＇173＇　The　bishops　assembled　at　Rheims　made　a　declaration　that　the　vassals　belonging　to　the　respective　churches　are　within　their　im…munity。＇174＇　The　Capitulary　of　Charlemagne　in　the　year　806　ordains　that　the　churches　should　have　both　criminal　and　civil　jurisdiction　over　those　who　live　upon　their　lands。＇175＇　In　fine；　as　the　capitulary　of　Charles　the　Bald＇176＇　distinguishes　between　the　king's　jurisdiction；　that　of　the　lords；　and　that　of　the　church；　I　shall　say　nothing　further　upon　this　subject。

22。　That　the　Jurisdictions　were　established　before　the　End　of　the　Second　Race。　It　has　been　pretended　that　the　vassals　usurped　the　jurisdiction　in　their　seigniories；　during　the　confusion　of　the　second　race。　Those　who　choose　rather　to　form　a　general　proposition　than　to　examine　it　found　it　easier　to　say　that　the　vassals　did　not　possess　than　to　discover　how　they　came　to　possess。　But　the　jurisdictions　do　not　owe　their　origin　to　usurpations；　they　are　derived　from　the　primitive　establishment；　and　not　from　its　corruption。

〃He　who　kills　a　freeman；〃　says　the　law　of　the　Bavarians；　〃shall　pay　a　composition　to　his　relatives　if　he　has　any；　if　not；　he　shall　pay　it　to　the　duke；　or　to　the　person　under　whose　protection　he　had　put　himself　in　his　lifetime。〃＇177＇　it　is　well　known　what　it　was　to　put　oneself　under　the　protection　of　another　for　a　benefice。

〃He　who　had　been　robbed　of　his　bondman；〃　says　the　law　of　the　Alemans；　〃shall　have　recourse　to　the　prince　to　whom　the　robber　is　subject；　to　the　end　that　he　may　obtain　a　composition。〃＇178＇

〃If　a　centenarius；〃　says　the　decree　of　Childebert；　〃finds　a　robber　in　another　hundred　than　his　own；　or　in　the　limits　of　our　faithful　vassals；　and　does　not　drive　him　out；　he　shall　be　answerable　for　the　robber；　or　purge　himself　by　oath。〃＇179＇　There　was　therefore　a　difference　between　the　district　of　the　centenarii　and　that　of　the　vassals。

This　decree　of　Childebert＇180＇　explains　the　constitution　of　Clotharius　of　the　same　year；　which　being　given　for　the　same　occasion　and　on　the　same　matter　differs　only　in　the　terms；　the　constitution　calling　in　truste　what　by　the　decree　is　styled　in　terminis　fidelium　nostrorum。　Messieurs　Bignon　and　Ducange；　who　pretend　that　in　truste　signified　another　king's　demesne；　are　mistaken　in　their　conjecture。＇181＇

Pepin；　King　of　Italy；　in　a　constitution　that　had　been　made　as　well　for　the　Franks　as　for　the　Lombards；＇182＇　after　imposing　penalties　on　the　counts　and　other　royal　officers　for　prevarications　or　delays　in　the　administration　of　justice；　ordains　that　if　it　happens　that　a　Frank　or　a　Lombard；　possessed　of　a　fief；　is　unwilling　to　administer　justice；　the　judge　to　whose　district　he　belongs　shall　suspend　the　exercise　of　his　fief；　and　in　the　meantime；　either　the　judge　or　his　commissary　shall　administer　justice。＇183＇

It　appears　by　a　Capitulary　of　Charlemagne；＇184＇　that　the　kings　did　not　levy　the　freda　in　all　places。　Another　capitulary　of　the　same　prince　shows　the　feudal　laws＇185＇　and　feudal　court　to　have　been　already　established。　Another　of　Louis　the　Debonnaire　ordains　that　when　a　person　possessed　of　a　fief　does　not　administer　justice；＇186＇　or　binders　it　from　being　administered；　the　king's　commissaries　shall　live　in　his　house　at　discretion；　till　justice　be　administered。　I　shall　likewise　quote　two　capitularies　of　Charles　the　Bald；　one　of　the　year　861；＇187＇　where　we　find　the　particular　jurisdictions　established；　with　judges　and　subordinate　officers；　and　the　other　of　the　year　864；＇188＇　where　he　makes　a　distinction　between　his　own　seigniories　and　those　of　private　persons。

We　have　not　the　original　grants　of　the　fiefs；　because　they　were　established　by　the　partition　which　is　known　to　have　been　made　among　the　conquerors。　It　cannot；　therefore；　be　proved　by　original　contracts　that　the　jurisdictions　were　at　first　annexed　to　the　fiefs：　but　if　in　the　formularies　of　the　confirmations；　or　of　the　translations　of　those　fiefs　in　perpetuity；　we　find；　as　already　has　been　observed；　that　the　jurisdiction　was　there　established；　this　judiciary　right　must　certainly　have　been　inherent　in　the　fief　and　one　of　its　chief　privileges。

We　have　a　far　greater　number　of　records　that　establish　the　patrimonial　jurisdiction　of　the　clergy　in　their　districts　than　there　are　to　prove　that　of　the　benefices　or　fiefs　of　the　feudal　lords；　for　which　two　reasons　may　be　assigned。　The　first；　that　most　of　the　records　now　extant　were　preserved　or　collected　by　the　monks；　for　the　use　of　their　monasteries。　The　second；　that　the　patrimony　of　the　several　churches　having　been　formed　by　particular　grants；　and　by　a　kind　of　derogation　from　the　order　established；　they　were　obliged　to　have　charters　granted　to　them；　whereas　the　concessions　made　to　the　feudal　lords　being　consequences　of　the　political　order；　they　had　no　occasion　to　demand；　and　much　less　to　preserve；　a　particular　charter。　Nay　the　kings　were　oftentimes　satisfied　with　making　a　simple　delivery　with　the　sceptre；　as　appears　from　the　Life　of　St。　Maur。

But　the　third　formulary　of　Marculfus　sufficiently　proves　that　the　privileges　of　immunity；　and　consequently　that　of　jurisdiction；　were　common　to　the　clergy　and　the　laity；　since　it　is　made　for　both。＇189＇　The　same　may　be　said　of　the　constitution　of　Clotharius　II。＇190＇

23。　General　Idea　of　the　Abbé　du　Bos'　Book　on　the　Establishment　of　the　French　Monarchy　in　Gaul。　Before　I　finish　this　book；　it　will　not　be　improper　to　write　a　few　strictures　on　the　Abbé　du　Bos'　performance；　because　my　notions　are　perpetually　contrary　to　his；　and　if　he　has　hit　on　the　truth；　I　must　have　missed　it。

This　performance　has　imposed　upon　a　great　many　because　it　is　penned　with　art；　because　the　point　in　question　is　constantly　supposed；　because　the　more　it　is　deficient　in　proofs　the　more　it　abounds　in　probabilities；　and；　in　fine；　because　an　infinite　number　of　conjectures　are　laid　down　as　principles；　and　thence　other　conjectures　are　inferred　as　consequences。　The　reader　forgets　he　has　been　doubting　in　order　to　begin　to　believe。　And　as　a　prodigious　fund　of　erudition　is　interspersed；　not　in　the　system　but　around　it；　the　mind　is　taken　up　with　the　appendages；　and　neglects　the　principal。　Besides；　such　a　vast　multitude　of　researches　hardly　permits　one　to　imagine　that　nothing　has　been　found；　the　length　of　the　way　makes　us　think　that　we　have　arrived　at　our　journey's　end。

But　when　we　examine　the　matter　thoroughly；　we　find　an　immense　colossus　with　earthen　feet；　and　it　is　the　earthen　feet　that　render　the　colossus　immense。　If　the　Abbé　du　Bos'　system　had　been　well　grounded；　he　would　not　have　been　obliged　to　write　three　tedious　volumes　to　prove　it；　he　would　have　found　everything　within　his　subject；　and　without　wandering　on　every　side　in　quest　of　what　was　extremely　foreign　to　it；　even　reason　itself　would　have　undertaken　to　range　this　in　the　same　chain　with　the　other　truths。　Our　history　and　laws　would　have　told　him；　〃Do　not　take　so　much　trouble；　we　shall　be　your　vouchers。〃

24。　The　same　Subject　continued。　Reflection　on　the　main　Part　of　the　System。　The　Abbé　du　Bos　endeavours　by　all　means　to　explode　the　opinion　that　the　Franks　made　the　conquest　of　Gaul。　According　to　his　system。　Our　kings　were　invited　by　the　people；　and　only　substituted　themselves　in　the　place　and　succeeded　to　the　rights　of　the　Roman　Emperors。

This　pretension　cannot　be　applied　to　the　time　when　Clovis；　upon　his　entering　Gaul；　took　and　plundered　the　towns；　neither　is　it　applicable　to　the　period　when　he　defeated　Syagrius；　the　Roman　commander；　and　conquered　the　country　which　he　held；　it　can；　therefore；　be　referred　only　to　the　period　when　Clovis；　already　master　of　a　great　part　of　Gaul　by　open　force；　was　called　by　the　choice　and　affection　of　the　people　to　the　sovereignty　over　the　rest。　And　it　is　not　enough　that　Clovis　was　received；　he　must　have　been　called；　the　Abbé　du　Bos　must　prove　that　the　people　chose　rather　to　live　under　Clovis　than　under　the　domination　of　the　Romans　or　under　their　own　laws。　Now　the　Romans　belonging　to　that　part　of　Gaul　not　yet　invaded　by　the　Barbarians　were；　according　to　this　author；　of　two　sorts：　the　first　were　of　the　Armorican　confederacy；　who　had　driven　away　the　emperor's　officers　in　order　to　defend　themselves　against　the　Barbarians；　and　to　be　governed　by　their　own　laws；　the　second　were　subject　to　the　Roman　officers。　Now；　does　the　Abbé　produce　any　convincing　proofs　that　the　Romans；　who　were　still　subject　to　the　empire；　called　in　Clovis？　Not　one。　Does　he　prove　that　the　republic　of　the　Armoricans　invited　Clovis；　or　even　concluded　any　treaty　with　him？　Not　at　all。　So　far　from　being　able　to　tell　us　the　fate　of　this　republic；　he　cannot　even　so　much　as　prove　its　existence；　and　notwithstanding　he　pretends　to　trace　it　from　the　time　of　Honorius　to　the　conquest　of　Clovis；　notwithstanding　he　relates　with　most　admirable　exactness　all　the　events　of　those　times；　still　this　republic　remains　invisible　in　ancient　authors。　For　there　is　a　wide　difference　between　proving　by　a　passage　of　Zozimus＇191＇　that　under　the　Emperor　Honorius；　the　country　of　Armorica＇192＇　and　the　other　provinces　of　Gaul　revolted　and　formed　a　kind　of　republic；　and　showing　us　that　notwithstanding　the　different　pacifications　of　Gaul；　the　Armoricans　formed　always　a　particular　republic；　which　continued　till　the　conquest　of　Clovis；　and　yet　this　is　what　he　should　have　demonstrated　by　strong　and　substantial　proofs；　in　order　to　establish　his　system。　For　when　we　behold　a　conqueror　enter