the spirit of laws-第142部分

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iolence；　and　moderated　the　regal　power。

The　bold　and　insolent　regencies　of　Fredegunda　and　Brunehault　had　less　surprised　than　roused　the　nation。　Fredegunda　had　defended　her　horried　cruelties；　her　poisonings　and　assassinations；　by　a　repetition　of　the　same　crimes；　and　had　behaved　in　such　a　manner　that　her　outrages　were　rather　of　a　private　than　public　nature。　Fredegunda　did　more　mischief：　Brunehault　threatened　more。　In　this　crisis　the　nation　was　not　satisfied　with　rectifying　the　feudal　system；　she　was　also　determined　to　secure　her　civil　government。　For　the　latter　was　rather　more　corrupt　than　the　former；　a　corruption　the　more　dangerous　as　it　was　more　inveterate；　and　connected　rather　with　the　abuse　of　manners　than　with　that　of　laws。

The　history　of　Gregory　of　Tours　exhibits；　on　the　one　hand；　a　fierce　and　barbarous　nation；　and　on　the　other；　kings　remarkable　for　the　same　ferocity　of　temper。　Those　princes　were　bloody；　iniquitous　and　cruel；　because　such　was　the　character　of　the　whole　nation。　If　Christianity　appeared　sometimes　to　soften　their　manners；　it　was　only　by　the　circumstances　of　terror　with　which　this　religion　alarms　the　sinner；　the　church　supported　herself　against　them　by　the　miraculous　operations　of　her　saints。　The　kings　would　not　commit　sacrilege；　because　they　dreaded　the　punishments　inflicted　on　that　species　of　guilt：　but　this　excepted；　either　in　the　riot　of　passion　or　in　the　coolness　of　deliberation；　they　perpetrated　the　most　horrid　crimes　and　barbarities　where　divine　vengeance　did　not　appear　so　immediately　to　overtake　the　criminal。　The　Franks；　as　I　have　already　observed；　bore　with　cruel　kings；　because　they　were　of　the　same　disposition　themselves；　they　were　not　shocked　at　the　iniquity　and　extortions　of　their　princes；　because　this　was　the　national　characteristic。　There　had　been　many　laws　established；　but　it　was　usual　for　the　king　to　defeat　them　all；　by　a　kind　of　letter　called　precepts；＇19＇　which　rendered　them　of　no　effect；　they　were　somewhat　similar　to　the　rescripts　of　the　Roman　Emperors；　whether　it　be　that　our　kings　borrowed　this　usage　from　those　princes；　or　whether　it　was　owing　to　their　own　natural　temper。　We　see　in　Gregory　of　Tours；　that　they　perpetrated　murder　in　cool　blood；　and　put　the　accused　to　death　unheard；　how　they　gave　precepts　for　illicit　marriages；＇20＇　for　transferring　successions；　for　depriving　relatives　of　their　right；　and；　in　fine；　marrying　consecrated　virgins。　They　did　not；　indeed；　assume　the　whole　legislative　power；　but　they　dispensed　with　the　execution　of　the　laws。

Clotharius'　constitution　redressed　all　these　grievances：　no　one　could　any　longer　be　condemned　without　being　heard：＇21＇　relatives　were　made　to　succeed；　according　to　the　order　established　by　law；＇22＇　all　precepts　for　marrying　religious　women　were　declared　null；＇23＇　and　those　who　had　obtained　and　made　use　of　them　were　severely　punished。　We　might　know　perhaps　more　exactly　his　determinations　with　regard　to　these　precepts；　if　the　thirteenth　and　the　next　two　articles　of　this　decree　had　not　been　lost　through　the　injury　of　time。　We　have　only　the　first　words　of　this　thirteenth　article；　ordaining　that　the　precepts　shall　be　observed；　which　cannot　be　understood　of　those　he　had　just　abolished　by　the　same　law。　We　have　another　constitution　by　the　same　prince；＇24＇　which　is　in　relation　to　his　decree；　and　corrects　in　the　same　manner　every　article　of　the　abuses　of　the　precepts。

True　it　is　that　Baluzius；　finding　this　constitution　without　date　and　without　the　name　of　the　place　where　it　was　given；　attributes　it　to　Clotharius　I。　But　I　say　it　belongs　to　Clotharius　II；　for　three　reasons：　1。　It　says　that　the　king　will　preserve　the　immunities　granted　to　the　churches　by　his　father　and　grandfather。＇25＇　What　immunities　could　the　churches　receive　from　Childeric；　grandfather　of　Clotharius　I；　who　was　not　a　Christian；　and　who　lived　even　before　the　foundation　of　the　monarchy？　But　if　we　attribute　this　decree　to　Clotharius　II；　we　shall　find　his　grandfather　to　have　been　this　very　Clotharius　I；　who　made　immense　donations　to　the　church　with　a　view　of　expiating　the　murder　of　his　son　Cramne；　whom　he　had　ordered　to　be　burned；　together　with　his　wife　and　children。

2。　The　abuses　redressed　by　this　constitution　were　still　subsisting　after　the　death　of　Clotharius　I　and　were　even　carried　to　their　highest　extravagance　during　the　weak　reign　of　Gontram；　the　cruel　administration　of　Chilperic；　and　the　execrable　regencies　of　Fredegunda　and　Brunehault。　Now；　can　we　imagine　that　the　nation　would　have　borne　with　grievances　so　solemnly　proscribed；　without　complaining　of　their　continual　repetition？　Can　we　imagine　she　would　not　have　taken　the　same　step　as　she　did　afterwards　under　Childeric　II；＇26＇　when；　upon　a　repetition　of　the　old　grievances；　she　pressed　him　to　ordain　that　law　and　customs　in　regard　to　judicial　proceedings　should　be　complied　with　as　formerly。＇27＇

In　fine；　as　this　constitution　was　made　to　redress　grievances；　it　cannot　relate　to　Clotharius　I；　since　there　were　no　complaints　of　that　kind　in　his　reign；　and　his　authority　was　perfectly　established　throughout　the　kingdom；　especially　at　the　time　in　which　they　place　this　constitution；　whereas　it　agrees　extremely　well　with　the　events　that　happened　during　the　reign　of　Clotharius　II；　which　produced　a　revolution　in　the　political　state　of　the　kingdom。　History　must　be　illustrated　by　the　laws；　and　the　laws　by　history。

3。　Authority　of　the　Mayors　of　the　Palace。　I　noticed　that　Clotharius　II　had　promised　not　to　deprive　Warnacharius　of　his　mayor's　place　during　life；　a　revolution　productive　of　another　effect。　Before　that　time　the　mayor　was　the　king's　officer；　but　now　he　became　the　officer　of　the　people；　he　was　chosen　before　by　the　king；　and　now　by　the　nation。　Before　the　revolution　Protarius　had　been　made　mayor　by　Theodoric；　and　Landeric　by　Fredegunda；＇28＇　but　after　that　the　mayors＇29＇　were　chosen　by　the　nation。＇30＇

We　must　not　therefore　confound；　as　some　authors　have　done；　these　mayors　of　the　palace　with　such　as　were　possessed　of　this　dignity　before　the　death　of　Brunehault；　the　king's　mayors　with　those　of　the　kingdom。　We　see　by　the　law　of　the　Burgundians　that　among　them　the　office　of　mayor　was　not　one　of　the　most　respectable　in　the　state；＇31＇　nor　was　it　one　of　the　most　eminent　under　the　first　Kings　of　the　Franks。＇32＇

Clotharius　removed　the　apprehensions　of　those　who　were　possessed　of　employments　and　fiefs；　and　when；　after　the　death　of　Warnacharius；＇33＇　he　asked　the　lords　assembled　at　Troyes；　who　is　it　they　would　put　in　his　place；　they　cried　out　they　would　choose　no　one；　but　suing　for　his　favour　committed　themselves　entirely　into　his　hands。

Dagobert　reunited　the　whole　monarchy　in　the　same　manner　as　his　father；　the　nation　had　a　thorough　confidence　in　him；　and　appointed　no　mayor。　This　prince；　finding　himself　at　liberty　and　elated　by　his　victories；　resumed　Brunehault's　plan。　But　he　succeeded　so　ill　that　the　vassals　of　Austrasia　let　themselves　be　beaten　by　the　Sclavonians；　and　returned　home；　so　that　the　marches　of　Austrasia　were　left　to　prey　to　the　barbarians。＇34＇

He　determined　then　to　make　an　offer　to　the　Austrasians　of　resigning　that　country；　together　with　a　provincial　treasure；　to　his　son　Sigebert；　and　to　put　the　government　of　the　kingdom　and　of　the　palace　into　the　hands　of　Cunibert；　Bishop　of　Cologne；　and　of　the　Duke　Adalgisus。　Fredegarius　does　not　enter　into　the　particulars　of　the　conventions　then　made；　but　the　king　confirmed　them　all　by　charters；　and　Austrasia　was　immediately　secured　from　danger。＇35＇

Dagobert；　finding　himself　near　his　end；　recommended　his　wife　Nentechildis　and　his　son　Clovis　to　the　care　of　？ga。　The　vassals　of　Neustria　and　Burgundy　chose　this　young　prince　for　their　king。＇36＇　？ga　and　Nentechildis　had　the　government　of　the　palace；＇37＇　they　restored　whatever　Dagobert　had　taken；＇38＇　and　complaints　ceased　in　Neustria　and　Burgundy；　as　they　had　ceased　in　Austrasia。

After　the　death　of　？ga；　Queen　Nentechildis　engaged　the　lords　of　Burgundy　to　choose　Floachatus　for　their　mayor。＇39＇　The　latter　dispatched　letters　to　the　bishops　and　chief　lords　of　the　kingdom　of　Burgundy；　by　which　he　promised　to　preserve　their　honours　and　dignities　for　ever；　that　is；　during　life。＇40＇　He　confirmed　his　word　by　oath。　This　is　the　period　at　which　the　author　of　the　Treatise　on　the　Mayors　of　the　Palace　fixes　the　administration　of　the　kingdom　by　those　officers。＇41＇

Fredegarius；　being　a　Burgundian；　has　entered　into　a　more　minute　detail　as　to　what　concerns　the　Mayors　of　Burgundy　at　the　time　of　the　revolution　of　which　we　are　speaking；　than　with　regard　to　the　mayors　of　Austrasia　and　Neustria。　But　the　conventions　made　in　Burgundy　were；　for　the　very　same　reasons；　agreed　to　in　Neustria　and　Austrasia。

The　nation　thought　it　safer　to　lodge　the　power　in　the　hands　of　a　mayor　whom　she　chose　herself；　and　to　whom　she　might　prescribe　conditions；　than　in　those　of　a　king　whose　power　was　hereditary。

4。　Of　the　Genius　of　the　Nation　in　regard　to　the　Mayors。　A　government　in　which　a　nation　that　had　an　hereditary　king　chose　a　person　to　exercise　the　regal　authority　seems　very　extraordinary；　but；　independently　of　the　circumstances　of　the　times；　I　apprehend　that　the　notions　of　the　Franks　in　this　respect　were　derived　from　a　remote　source。

The　Franks　were　descended　from　the　Germans；　of　whom　Tacitus　says＇42＇　that　in　the　choice　of　their　king　they　were　determined　by　his　noble　extraction；　and　in　that　of　their　leader；　by　his　valour。　This　gives　us　an　idea　of　the　kings　of　the　first　race；　and　of　the　mayors　of　the　palace；　the　former　were　hereditary；　the　latter　elective。

No　doubt　but　those　princes　who　stood　up　in　the　national　assembly　and　offered　themselves　as　the　conductors　of　a　public　enterprise　to　such　as　were　willing　to　follow　them；　united　generally　in　their　own　person　both　the　power　of　the　mayor　and　the　king's　authority。　By　the　splendour　of　their　descent　they　had　attained　the　regal　dignity；　and　their　military　abilities　having　recommended　them　to　the　command　of　armies；　they　rose　to　the　power　of　mayor。　By　the　regal　dignity；　our　first　kings　presided　in　the　courts　and　assemblies；　and　enacted　laws　with　the　national　consent；　by　the　dignity　of　duke　or　leader；　they　undertook　expeditions　and　commanded　the　armies。

In　order　to　be　acquainted　with　the　genius　of　the　primitive　Franks　in　this　resp