the spirit of laws-第147部分

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onfirmed　each　in　their　turn　by　his　own　oath；　and　by　those　of　his　children　and　the　nobility。　This　was　as　if　he　wanted　to　try　the　fidelity　of　his　subjects；　it　was　endeavouring　by　confusion；　scruples；　and　equivocation；　to　puzzle　their　obedience；　it　was　confounding　the　different　rights　of　those　princes；　and　rendering　their　titles　dubious；　especially　at　a　time　when　there　were　but　few　fortresses；　and　when　the　principal　bulwark　of　authority　was　the　fealty　sworn　and　accepted。

The　Emperor's　children；　in　order　to　preserve　their　shares；　courted　the　clergy；　and　granted　them　privileges　till　then　unheard。　These　privileges　were　specious；　and　the　clergy　in　return　were　made　to　warrant　the　revolution　in　favour　of　those　princes。　Agobard＇140＇　represents　to　Louis　the　Debonnaire　his　having　sent　Lotharius　to　Rome；　in　order　to　have　him　declared　emperor；　and　that　he　had　made　a　division　of　his　dominions　among　his　children；　after　having　consulted　heaven　by　three　days　fasting　and　praying。　What　defence　could　such　a　weak　prince　make　against　the　attack　of　superstition？　It　is　easy　to　perceive　the　shock　which　the　supreme　authority　must　have　twice　received　from　his　imprisonment；　and　from　his　public　penance；　they　would　fain　degrade　the　king；　and　they　degraded　the　regal　dignity。

We　find　difficulty　at　first　in　conceiving　how　a　prince　who　was　possessed　of　several　good　qualities；　who　had　some　knowledge；　who　had　a　natural　disposition　to　virtue；　and　who　in　short　was　the　son　of　Charlemagne；　could　have　such　a　number　of　enemies。＇141＇　so　impetuous　and　implacable　as　even　to　insult　him　in　his　humiliation　and　to　be　determined　upon　his　ruin：　and；　indeed　they　would　have　utterly　completed　it；　if　his　children；　who　in　the　main　were　more　honest　than　they；　had　been　steady　in　their　design；　and　could　have　agreed　among　themselves。

21。　The　same　Subject　continued。　The　strength　and　solidity　for　which　the　kingdom　was　indebted　to　Charlemagne　still　subsisted　under　Louis　the　Debonnaire　in　such　a　degree　as　enabled　the　state　to　support　its　grandeur；　and　to　command　respect　from　foreign　nations。　The　prince's　understanding　was　weak；　but　the　nation　was　warlike。　His　authority　declined　at　home；　though　there　seemed　to　be　no　diminution　of　power　abroad。

Charles　Martel；　Pepin；　and　Charlemagne　were　in　succession　rulers　of　the　monarchy。　The　first　flattered　the　avarice　of　the　soldiers：　the　other　two　that　of　the　clergy。　Louis　the　Debonnaire　displeased　both。

In　the　French　constitution；　the　whole　power　of　the　state　was　lodged　in　the　hands　of　the　king；　the　nobility；　and　clergy。　Charles　Martel；　Pepin；　and　Charlemagne　joined　sometimes　their　interest　with　one　of　those　parties　to　check　the　other　and　generally　with　both；　but　Louis　the　Debonnaire　could　gain　the　affection　of　neither。　He　disobliged　the　bishops　by　publishing　regulations　which　had　the　air　of　severity；　because　he　carried　things　to　a　greater　length　than　was　agreeable　to　their　inclination。　Very　good　laws　may　be　ill…timed。　The　bishops　in　those　days；　being　accustomed　to　take　the　field　against　the　Saracens　and　the　Saxons；　had　very　little　of　the　spirit　of　religion。＇142＇　On　the　other　hand；　as　he　had　no　longer　any　confidence　in　the　nobility；　he　promoted　mean　people；＇143＇　turning　the　nobles　out　of　their　employments　at　court　to　make　room　for　strangers　and　upstarts。＇144＇　By　this　means　the　affections　of　the　two　great　bodies　of　the　nobility　and　clergy　were　alienated　from　their　prince；　the　consequence　of　which　was　a　total　desertion。

22。　The　same　Subject　continued。　But　what　chiefly　contributed　to　weaken　the　monarchy　was　the　extravagance　of　this　prince　in　alienating　the　crown　demesnes。＇145＇　And　here　it　is　that　we　ought　to　listen　to　the　account　of　Nitard；　one　of　our　most　judicious　historians；　a　grandson　of　Charlemagne；　strongly　attached　to　Louis　the　Debonnaire　and　who　wrote　his　history　by　order　of　Charles　the　Bald。

He　says；　〃that　one　Adelhard　for　some　time　gained　such　an　ascendant　over　the　Emperor；　that　this　prince　conformed　to　his　will　in　everything；　that　at　the　instigation　of　this　favourite；　he　had　granted　the　crown　lands　to　everybody　that　asked　them；＇146＇　by　which　means　the　state　was　ruined。〃＇147＇　Thus　he　did　the　same　mischief　throughout　the　empire　as　I　observed　he　had　done　in　Aquitaine；＇148＇　the　former　Charlemagne　redressed；　but　the　latter　was　past　all　remedy。

The　state　was　reduced　to　the　same　debility　in　which　Charles　Martel　found　it。　upon　his　accession　to　the　mayoralty；　and　so　desperate　were　its　circumstances　that　no　exertion　of　authority　was　any　longer　capable　of　saving　it。

The　treasury　was　so　exhausted　that　in　the　reign　of　Charles　the　Bald；　no　one　could　continue　in　his　employments；　nor　be　safe　in　his　person　without　paying　for　it。＇149＇　When　they　had　it　in　their　power　to　destroy　the　Normans；　they　took　money　to　let　them　escape：＇150＇　and　the　first　advice　which　Hincmar　gives　to　Louis　the　Stammerer　is　to　ask　of　the　assembly　of　the　nation　a　sufficient　allowance　to　defray　the　expenses　of　his　household。

23。　The　same　Subject　continued。　The　clergy　had　reason　to　repent　the　protection　they　had　granted　to　the　children　of　Louis　the　Debonnaire。　This　prince；　as　I　have　already　observed；　had　never　given　any　of　the　church…lands　by　precepts　to　the　laity；＇151＇　but　it　was　not　long　before　Lotharius　in　Italy；　and　Pepin　in　Aquitaine；　quitted　Charlemagne's　plan；　and　resumed　that　of　Charles　Martel。　The　clergy　had　recourse　to　the　Emperor　against　his　children；　but　they　themselves　had　weakened　the　authority　to　which　they　appealed。　In　Aquitaine　some　condescension　was　shown；　but　none　in　Italy。

The　civil　wars　with　which　the　life　of　Louis　the　Debonnaire　had　been　embroiled　were　the　seed　of　those　which　followed　his　death。　The　three　brothers；　Lotharius；　Louis；　and　Charles；　endeavoured　each　to　bring　over　the　nobility　to　their　party　and　to　make　them　their　tools。　To　such　as　were　willing　therefore　to　follow　them　they　granted　church…lands　by　precepts；　so　that　to　gain　the　nobility；　they　sacrificed　the　clergy。

We　find　in　the　Capitularies＇152＇　that　those　princes　were　obliged　to　yield　to　the　importunity　of　demands；　and　that　what　they　would　not　often　have　freely　granted　was　extorted　from　them：　we　find　that　the　clergy　thought　themselves　more　oppressed　by　the　nobility　than　by　the　kings；　It　appears　that　Charles　the　Bald＇153＇　became　the　greatest　enemy　of　the　patrimony　of　the　clergy；　whether　he　was　most　incensed　against　them　for　having　degraded　his　father　on　their　account；　or　whether　he　was　the　most　timorous。　Be　that　as　it　may；　we　meet　with　continual　quarrels　in　the　Capitularies；＇154＇　between　the　clergy　who　demanded　their　estates；　and　the　nobility　who　refused　or　deferred　to　restore　them；　and　the　kings　acting　as　mediators。

The　situation　of　affairs　at　that　time　is　a　spectacle　really　deserving　of　pity。　While　Louis　the　Debonnaire　made　immense　donations　out　of　his　demesnes　to　the　clergy；　his　children　distributed　the　church…lands　among　the　laity。　The　same　prince　with　one　hand　founded　new　abbeys　and　despoiled　old　ones。　The　clergy　had　no　fixed　state；　one　moment　they　were　plundered；　another　they　received　satisfaction；　but　the　crown　was　continually　losing。

Toward　the　close　of　the　reign　of　Charles　the　Bald；　and　from　that　time　forward；　there　was　an　end　of　the　disputes　of　the　clergy　and　laity　concerning　the　restitution　of　church…lands。　The　bishops　indeed　breathed　out　still　a　few　sighs　in　their　remonstrances　to　Charles　the　Bald；　which　we　find　in　the　Capitulary　of　the　year　856；　and　in　the　letter　they　wrote　to　Louis；　King　of　Germany；　in　the　year　858；＇155＇　but　they　proposed　things；　and　challenged　promises；　so　often　eluded；　that　we　plainly　see　they　had　no　longer　any　hopes　of　obtaining　their　desire。

All　that　could　be　expected　then　was　to　repair　in　general　the　injuries　done　both　to　church　and　state。＇156＇　The　kings　engaged　not　to　deprive　the　nobility　of　their　freemen；　and　not　to　give　away　any　more　church…lands　by　precepts；＇157＇　so　that　the　interests　of　the　clergy　and　nobility　seemed　then　to　be　united。

The　dreadful　depredations　of　the　Normans；　as　I　have　already　observed；　contributed　greatly　to　put　an　end　to　those　quarrels。

The　authority　of　our　kings　diminishing　every　day；　both　for　the　reasons　already　given　and　those　which　I　shall　mention　hereafter；　they　imagined　they　had　no　better　resource　left；　than　to　resign　themselves　into　the　hands　of　the　clergy。　But　the　ecclesiastics　had　weakened　the　power　of　the　kings；　and　these　had　diminished　the　influence　of　the　ecclesiastics。　In　vain　did　Charles　the　Bald　and　his　successors　call　in　the　church　to　support　the　state；　and　to　prevent　its　ruin；　in　vain　did　they　make　use　of　the。　respect　which　the　commonalty　had　for　that　body；＇158＇　to　maintain　that　which　they　should　also　have　for　their　prince；＇159＇　in　vain　did　they　endeavour　to　give　an　authority　to　their　laws　by　that　of　the　canons；　in　vain　did　they　join　the　ecclesiastic　with　the　civil　punishments；＇160＇　in　vain　to　counterbalance　the　authority　of　the　count　did　they　give　to　each　bishop　the　title　of　their　commissary　in　the　several　provinces；＇161＇　it　was　impossible　to　repair　the　mischief　they　had　done；　and　a　terrible　misfortune；　which　I　shall　presently　mention；　proved　the　ruin　of　the　monarchy。

24。　That　the　Freemen　were　rendered　capable　of　holding　Fiefs。　I　said　that　the　freemen　were　led　against　the　enemy　by　their　count；　and　the　vassals　by　their　lord。　This　was　the　reason　that　the　several　orders　of　the　state　balanced　each　other；　and　though　the　king's　vassals　had　other　vassals　under　them；　yet　they　might　be　overawed　by　the　count；　who　was　at　the　head　of　all　the　freemen　of　the　monarchy。

The　freemen　were　not　allowed　at　first　to　do　homage　for　a　fief；　but　in　process　of　time　this　was　permitted：＇162＇　and　I　find　that　this　change　was　made　during　the　period　that　elapsed　from　the　reign　of　Gontram　to　that　of　Charlemagne。　This　I　prove　by　the　comparison　which　may　be　made　between　the　treaty　of　Andelot；＇163＇　by　Gontram；　Childebert；　and　Queen　Brunehault；　and　the　partition　made　by　Charlemagne　among　his　children；　as　well　as　a　like　partition　by　Louis　the　Debonnaire。＇164＇　These　three　acts　contain　nearly　the　same　regulations　with　regard　to　the　vassals；　and　as　they　determine　the　very　same　points；　under　almost　the　same　circumstances；　the　spirit　as　well　as　the　letter　of　those　three　treaties　in　this　respect　are　very　much　alike。

But　as　to　what　c