the spirit of laws-第6部分

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25。　Of　the　French　Nobility

Book　XXXI。　Theory　of　the　Feudal　Laws　among　the　Franks；　in　the　Relation　They　Bear　to　the　Revolutions　of　their　Monarchy

1。　Changes　in　the　Offices　and　in　the　Fiefs。　Of　the　Mayors　of　the　Palace

2。　How　the　Civil　Government　Was　Reformed

3。　Authority　of　the　Mayors　of　the　Palace

4。　Of　the　Genius　of　the　Nation　in　Regard　to　the　Mayors

5。　In　What　Manner　the　Mayors　Obtained　the　Command　of　the　Armies

6。　Second　Epoch　of　the　Humiliation　of　Our　Kings　of　the　First　Race

7。　Of　the　Great　Offices　and　Fiefs　under　the　Mayors　of　the　Palace

8。　In　What　Manner　the　Allodial　Estates　Were　Changed　into　Fiefs

9。　How　the　Church　Lands　Were　Converted　into　Fiefs

10。　Riches　of　the　Clergy

11。　State　of　Europe　at　the　Time　of　Charles　Martel

12。　Establishment　of　the　Tithes

13。　Of　the　Election　of　Bishops　and　Abbots

14。　Of　the　Fiefs　of　Charles　Martel

15。　The　Same　Subject　Continued

16。　Confusion　of　the　Royalty　and　Mayoralty。　The　Second　Race

17。　A　Particular　Circumstance　in　the　Election　of　the　Kings　of　the　Second　Race

18。　Charlemagne

19。　The　Same　Subject　Continued

20。　Louis　the　Debonnaire

21。　The　Same　Subject　Continued

22。　The　Same　Subject　Continued

23。　The　Same　Subject　Continued

24。　That　the　Freemen　Were　Rendered　Capable　of　Holding　Fiefs

25。　The　Principal　Cause　of　the　Humiliation　of　the　Second　Race。　Changes　in　the　Allodia

26。　Changes　in　the　Fiefs

27。　Another　change　Which　Happened　in　the　Fiefs

28。　Changes　Which　Happened　in　the　Great　Offices　and　in　the　Fiefs

29。　Of　the　Nature　of　the　Fiefs　after　the　Reign　of　Charles　the　Bald

30。　The　Same　Subject　Continued

31。　In　What　Manner　the　Empire　Was　Transferred　from　the　Family　of　Charlemagne

32。　In　What　Manner　the　Crown　of　France　Was　Transferred　to　the　House　of　Hugh　Capet

33。　Some　Consequences　of　the　Perpetuity　of　Fiefs

34。　The　Same　Subject　Continued




PREFACE

IF　amidst　the　infinite　number　of　subjects　contained　in　this　book　there　is　anything　which；　contrary　to　my　expectation；　may　possibly　offend；　I　can　at　least　assure　the　public　that　it　was　not　inserted　with　an　ill　intention：　for　I　am　not　naturally　of　a　captious　temper。　Plato　thanked　the　gods　that　he　was　born　in　the　same　age　with　Socrates：　and　for　my　part　I　give　thanks　to　the　Supreme　that　I　was　born　a　subject　of　that　government　under　which　I　live；　and　that　it　is　His　pleasure　I　should　obey　those　whom　He　has　made　me　love。

I　beg　one　favour　of　my　readers；　which　I　fear　will　not　be　granted　me；　this　is；　that　they　will　not　judge　by　a　few　hours'　reading　of　the　labour　of　twenty　years；　that　they　will　approve　or　condemn　the　book　entire；　and　not　a　few　particular　phrases。　If　they　would　search　into　the　design　of　the　author；　they　can　do　it　in　no　other　way　so　completely　as　by　searching　into　the　design　of　the　work。

I　have　first　of　all　considered　mankind；　and　the　result　of　my　thoughts　has　been；　that　amidst　such　an　infinite　diversity　of　laws　and　manners；　they　were　not　solely　conducted　by　the　caprice　of　fancy。

I　have　laid　down　the　first　principles；　and　have　found　that　the　particular　cases　follow　naturally　from　them；　that　the　histories　of　all　nations　are　only　consequences　of　them；　and　that　every　particular　law　is　connected　with　another　law；　or　depends　on　some　other　of　a　more　general　extent。

When　I　have　been　obliged　to　look　back　into　antiquity；　I　have　endeavoured　to　assume　the　spirit　of　the　ancients；　lest　I　should　consider　those　things　as　alike　which　are　really　different；　and　lest　I　should　miss　the　difference　of　those　which　appear　to　be　alike。

I　have　not　drawn　my　principles　from　my　prejudices；　but　from　the　nature　of　things。

Here　a　great　many　truths　will　not　appear　till　we　have　seen　the　chain　which　connects　them　with　others。　The　more　we　enter　into　particulars；　the　more　we　shall　perceive　the　certainty　of　the　principles　on　which　they　are　founded。　I　have　not　even　given　all　these　particulars；　for　who　could　mention　them　all　without　a　most　insupportable　fatigue？

The　reader　will　not　here　meet　with　any　of　those　bold　flights　which　seem　to　characterise　the　works　of　the　present　age。　When　things　are　examined　with　never　so　small　a　degree　of　extent；　the　sallies　of　imagination　must　vanish；　these　generally　arise　from　the　mind's　collecting　all　its　powers　to　view　only　one　side　of　the　subject；　while　it　leaves　the　other　unobserved。

I　write　not　to　censure　anything　established　in　any　country　whatsoever。　Every　nation　will　here　find　the　reasons　on　which　its　maxims　are　founded；　and　this　will　be　the　natural　inference；　that　to　propose　alterations　belongs　only　to　those　who　are　so　happy　as　to　be　born　with　a　genius　capable　of　penetrating　the　entire　constitution　of　a　state。

It　is　not　a　matter　of　indifference　that　the　minds　of　the　people　be　enlightened。　The　prejudices　of　magistrates　have　arisen　from　national　prejudice。　In　a　time　of　ignorance　they　have　committed　even　the　greatest　evils　without　the　least　scruple；　but　in　an　enlightened　age　they　even　tremble　while　conferring　the　greatest　blessings。　They　perceive　the　ancient　abuses；　they　see　how　they　must　be　reformed；　but　they　are　sensible　also　of　the　abuses　of　a　reformation。　They　let　the　evil　continue；　if　they　fear　a　worse；　they　are　content　with　a　lesser　good；　if　they　doubt　a　greater。　They　examine　into　the　parts；　to　judge　of　them　in　connection；　and　they　examine　all　the　causes；　to　discover　their　different　effects。

Could　I　but　succeed　so　as　to　afford　new　reasons　to　every　man　to　love　his　prince；　his　country；　his　laws；　new　reasons　to　render　him　more　sensible　in　every　nation　and　government　of　the　blessings　he　enjoys；　I　should　think　myself　the　most　happy　of　mortals。

Could　I　but　succeed　so　as　to　persuade　those　who　command；　to　increase　their　knowledge　in　what　they　ought　to　prescribe；　and　those　who　obey；　to　find　a　new　pleasure　resulting　from　obedience　　I　should　think　myself　the　most　happy　of　mortals。

The　most　happy　of　mortals　should　I　think　myself　could　I　contribute　to　make　mankind　recover　from　their　prejudices。　By　prejudices　I　here　mean；　not　that　which　renders　men　ignorant　of　some　particular　things；　but　whatever　renders　them　ignorant　of　themselves。

It　is　in　endeavouring　to　instruct　mankind　that　we　are　best　able　to　practise　that　general　virtue　which　comprehends　the　love　of　all。　Man；　that　flexible　being；　conforming　in　society　to　the　thoughts　and　impressions　of　others；　is　equally　capable　of　knowing　his　own　nature；　whenever　it　is　laid　open　to　his　view；　and　of　losing　the　very　sense　of　it；　when　this　idea　is　banished　from　his　mind。

Often　have　I　begun；　and　as　often　have　I　laid　aside；　this　undertaking。　I　have　a　thousand　times　given　the　leaves　I　had　written　to　the　winds：　I；　every　day；　felt　my　paternal　hands　fall。　I　have　followed　my　object　without　any　fixed　plan：　I　have　known　neither　rules　nor　exceptions；　I　have　found　the　truth；　only　to　lose　it　again。　But　when　I　once　discovered　my　first　principles；　everything　I　sought　for　appeared；　and　in　the　course　of　twenty　years；　I　have　seen　my　work　begun；　growing　up；　advancing　to　maturity；　and　finished。

If　this　work　meets　with　success；　I　shall　owe　it　chiefly　to　the　grandeur　and　majesty　of　the　subject。　However；　I　do　not　think　that　I　have　been　totally　deficient　in　point　of　genius。　When　I　have　seen　what　so　many　great　men　both　in　France；　England；　and　Germany　have　said　before　me；　I　have　been　lost　in　admiration；　but　I　have　not　lost　my　courage：　I　have　said　with　Correggio；　〃And　I　also　am　a　painter。〃

ADVERTISEMENT

1。　For　the　better　understanding　of　the　first　four　books　of　this　work；　it　is　to　be　observed　that　what　I　distinguish　by　the　name　of　virtue；　in　a　republic；　is　the　love　of　one's　country；　that　is；　the　love　of　equality。　It　is　not　a　moral；　nor　a　Christian；　but　a　political　virtue；　and　it　is　the　spring　which　sets　the　republican　government　in　motion；　as　honour　is　the　spring　which　gives　motion　to　monarchy。　Hence　it　is　that　I　have　distinguished　the　love　of　one's　country；　and　of　equality；　by　the　appellation　of　political　virtue。　My　ideas　are　new；　and　therefore　I　have　been　obliged　to　find　new　words；　or　to　give　new　acceptations　to　old　terms；　in　order　to　convey　my　meaning。　They；　who　are　unacquainted　with　this　particular；　have　made　me　say　most　strange　absurdities；　such　as　would　be　shocking　in　any　part　of　the　world；　because　in　all　countries　and　governments　morality　is　requisite。

2。　The　reader　is　also　to　notice　that　there　is　a　vast　difference　between　saying　that　a　certain　quality；　modification　of　the　mind；　or　virtue；　is　not　the　spring　by　which　government　is　actuated；　and　affirming　that　it　is　not　to　be　found　in　that　government。　Were　I　to　say　such　a　wheel　or　such　a　pinion　is　not　the　spring　which　sets　the　watch　going；　can　you　infer　thence　that　they　are　not　to　be　found　in　the　watch？　So　far　is　it　from　being　true　that　the　moral　and　Christian　virtues　are　excluded　from　monarchy；　that　even　political　virtue　is　not　excluded。　In　a　word；　honour　is　found　in　a　republic；　though　its　spring　be　political　virtue；　and　political　virtue　is　found　in　a　monarchical　government；　though　it　be　actuated　by　honour。

To　conclude；　the　honest　man　of　whom　we　treat　in　the　third　book；　chapter　5；　is　not　the　Christian；　but　the　political　honest　man；　who　is　possessed　of　the　political　virtue　there　mentioned。　He　is　the　man　who　loves　the　laws　of　his　country；　and　who　is　actuated　by　the　love　of　those　laws。　I　have　set　these　matters　in　a　clearer　light　in　the　present　edition；　by　giving　a　more　precise　meaning　to　my　expression：　and　in　most　places　where　I　have　made　use　of　the　word　virtue　I　have　taken　care　to　add　the　term　political。





Book　I。　Of　Laws　in　General

1。　Of　the　Relation　of　Laws　to　different　Beings。　Laws；　in　their　most　general　signification；　are　the　necessary　relations　arising　from　the　nature　of　things。　In　this　sense　all　beings　have　their　laws：　the　Deity＇1＇　His　laws；　the　material　world　its　laws；　the　intelligences　superior　to　man　their　laws；　the　beasts　their　laws；　man　his　laws。

They　who　assert　that　a　blind　fatality　produced　the　various　effects　we　behold　in　this　world　talk　very　absurdly；　for　can　anything　be　more　unreasonable　than　to　pretend　that　a　blind　fatality　could　be　productive　of　intelligent　beings？

There　is；　then；　a　prime　reason；　and　laws　are　the　relations　subsisting　between　it　and　different　beings；　and　the　relations　of　these　to　one　an