lectures on the industrial revolution in england-第1部分

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Lectures　on　The　Industrial　Revolution　in　England

　　　　　　　　by　Arnold　Toynbee

1884



I　Introductory

　　　　The　subject　of　these　lectures　is　the　industrial　and　Agrarian　Revolution　at　the　end　of　the　eighteenth　and　beginning　of　the　nineteenth　centuries。　The　course　is　divided　into　three　parts。　The　first　deals　with　Adam　Smith　and　the　England　of　his　time。　It　will　describe　England　on　the　eve　of　the　Industrial　Revolution；　and　the　system　of　regulation　and　protection　of　industry　as　it　existed　in　1760。　It　will　give　also　an　outline　of　Adam　Smith's　hook；　its　aims　and　character；　and　especially　his　theory　of　free　trade。　The　second　part　will　group　itself　round　the　work　of　Malthus；　who　dealt　not　so　much　with　the　causes　of　wealth　as　with　the　causes　of　poverty；　with　the　distribution　of　wealth　rather　than　with　its　production。　It　will　describe　England　in　the　midst　of　the　industrial　Revolution；　and　will　inquire　into　the　problem　of　pauperism　and　the　subjects　connected　with　it。　The　third　part　will　he　associated　with　the　name　of　Ricardo；　and　will　deal　with　England　at　the　time　of　the　Peace。　It　will　discuss　the　doctrine　of　rent　and　wages　together　with　certain　theories　of　economic　progress；　and　will　cover　the　questions　of　currency；　so　much　agitated　at　that　period；　and　the　history　of　the　commercial　and　financial　changes　which　followed　the　Peace。　　　　　I　have　chosen　the　subject　because　it　was　in　this　period　that　modern　Political　Economy　took　its　rise。　It　has　been　a　weakness　of　the　science；　as　pursued　in　England；　that　it　has　been　too　much　dissociated　from　History。　Adam　Smith　and　Malthus；　indeed；　had　historical　minds；　but　the　form　of　modern　text…books　is　due　to　Ricardo；　whose　mind　was　entirely　unhistorical。　Yet　there　is　a　double　advantage　in　combining　the　two　studies。　In　the　first　place　Political　Economy　is　better　understood　by　this　means。　Abstract　propositions　are　seen　in　a　new　light　when　studied　in　relation　to　the　facts　which　were　before　the　writer　at　the　time　when　he　formulated　them。　So　regarded　they　are　at　once　more　vivid　and　less　likely　to　mislead。　Ricardo　becomes　painfully　interesting　when　he　read　the　history　of　his　time。　And；　in　the　second　place；　History　also　is　better　understood　when　studied　in　connection　with　Political　Economy；　for　the　latter　not　only　teaches　us　in　reading　History　to　look　out　for　the　right　kind　of　facts；　but　enables　us　to　explain　many　phenomena　like　those　attending　the　introduction　of　enclosures　and　machinery；　or　the　effects　of　different　systems　of　currency；　which　without　its　assistance　would　remain　unintelligible。　The　careful　deductive　reasoning；　too；　which　Political　Economy　teaches　is　of　great　importance　to　the　historian；　and　the　habits　of　mind　acquired　from　it　are　even　more　valuable　than　the　knowledge　of　principles　which　it　gives；　especially　to　students　of　facts；　who　might　otherwise　be　overwhelmed　by　the　mass　of　their　materials。　　　　　Of　late　years；　however；　there　has　been　a　steady　sustained　attack　upon　the　abstract　Deductive　Method　of　Political　Economy　pursued　by　Ricardo　and　Mill；　and　an　attempt　to　set　up　historical　investigation　in　its　place　as　the　only　true　method　of　economic　inquiry。　This　attack　rests　on　a　misconception　of　the　function　of　the　Deductive　Method。　The　best　exposition　of　the　place　of　Abstract　Political　Economy　is　to　be　found　in　Bagehot's　Economic　Studies。　Bagehot　points　out　that　this　abstract　science　holds　good　only　upon　certain　assumptions；　but　though　the　assumptions　are　often　not　entirely　correct；　the　results　may　yet　be　approximately　true。　Thus　the　economists；　firstly；　regard　only　one　part　of　man's　nature；　and　treat　him　simply　as　a　money…making　animal；　secondly；　they　disregard　the　influence　of　custom；　and　only　take　account　of　competition。　Certain　laws　are　laid　down　under　these　assumptions；　as；　for　instance；　that　the　rate　of　wages　always　tends　to　an　equality；　the　permanent　difference　obtaining　in　various　employments　being　only　sufficient　to　balance　the　favourable　or　unfavourable　circumstances　attending　each　of　them…a　law　which　is　only　true　after　a　certain　stage　of　civilisation　and　in　so　far　as　the　acquisition　of　wealth　is　the　sole　object　of　men。　Such　hypothetical　laws；　though　leading　only　to　rough　conclusions；　are　yet　useful　in　giving　us　a　point　of　view　from　which　to　observe　and　indicate　the　existence　of　strong　over…mastering　tendencies。　Advocates　of　the　Historical　Method；　like　Mr　Cliffe　Leslie；　therefore；　go　too　far　when　they　condemn　the　Deductive　Method　as　radically　false。　There　is　no　real　opposition　between　the　two。　The　apparent　opposition　is　due　to　a　wrong　use　of　deduction；　to　a　neglect　on　the　part　of　those　employing　it　to　examine　closely　their　assumptions　and　to　bring　their　conclusions　to　the　test　of　fact；　to　arguments　based　on　premises　which　are　not　only　not　verified　but　absolutely　untrue　（as　in　the　wage…fund　theory）；　and　generally　to　the　failure　to　combine　induction　with　deduction。　But　this　misuse　of　the　method　does　not　imply　any　radical　faultiness　in　it。　The　right　method　in　any　particular　case　must　be　largely　determined　by　the　nature　of　the　problem。　Neither　is　it　fair　to　make　abstract　Political　Economy　responsible　for　the　confusion　in　many　minds　between　its　laws　and　the　precepts　which　are　based　on　them。　It　is　a　pure　science；　and　its　end　is　knowledge。　But　the　Political　Economy　of　the　press　and　the　platform　is　a　practical　science；　that　is；　a　body　of　rules　and　maxims　to　guide　conduct。　Journalists　and　members　of　Parliament　confound　the　laws　of　the　pure　science　with　the　maxims　of　the　practical　science。　It　was　thus　that　Mr　Gladstone　in　the　Land　Act　controversy　of　1881　was　constantly　accused　of　violating　the　laws　of　Political　Economy。　It　was　impossible　for　Mr　Gladstone　to　do　any　such　thing。　The　laws　of　Political　Economy　can　no　more　be　violated　than　those　of　physical　science。　What　the　journalists　meant　was　that　he　had　departed　from　a　great　economic　precept　…　that　which　recommends　freedom　of　contract。　　　　　The　Historical　Method　pursues　a　different　line　of　investigation。　It　examines　the　actual　causes　of　economic　development　and　considers　the　influence　of　institutions；　such　as　the　medieval　guilds；　our　present　land…laws；　or　the　political　constitution　of　any　given　country；　in　determining　the　distribution　of　wealth。　Without　the　aid　of　the　Historical　Method　it　would　be　impossible；　for　instance；　to　understand　why　one…half　of　the　land　in　the　United　Kingdom　is　owned　by　2512　persons。　　　　　And　not　only　does　it　investigate　the　stages　of　economic　development　in　a　given　country；　but　it　compares　them　with　those　which　have　obtained　in　other　countries　and　times；　and　seeks　by　such　comparison　to　discover　laws　of　universal　application。　Take；　as　an　instance　of　the　discoveries　of　this　Comparative　Political　Economy；　the　tendency　which　Sir　H。　Maine　and　M。　de　Laveleye　have　pointed　out　to　pass　from　collective　to　individual　ownership　of　land。　This　is　a　law　which　is　true　of　nearly　all　civilised　countries。　We　must　be　careful；　however；　not　to　generalise　too　hastily　in　these　matters。　A　clever　pamphlet　lately　published　in　Dublin　appeals　to　another　generalisation　of　Sir　H。　Maine　…　'Maine's　Law；'　as　it　is　denominated　…　in　condemnation　of　recent　legislation。　'Sir　H。　Maine；'　says　the　writer；　'in　his　Ancient　Law　has　remarked　that　the　movement　of　all　progressive　societies　has　hitherto　been　a　movement　from　status　to　contract。　The　demand　of　this　agitation　is　that　Ireland　should　be　legislatively　declared　a　retrograde　society；　and　that　the　social　movement　should　be　from　contract　back　again　to　status。'　'is　it　expedient；'　asks　another；　'to　reform　our　laws　so　as　to　assimilate　them　to　those　in　use　among　nations　of　an　inferior　social　development？'　A　deeper　study　of　existing　civilisation　in　England；　and　of　other　civilisations；　past　and　present；　would　have　shown　that　the　step　was　not　a　retrograde　one　…　that　whilst　the　sphere　of　contract　has　been　widening；　it　has　been　also　narrowing；　and　that　such　a　condition　of　things　as　we　see　in　Ireland　has　never　existed　anywhere　else　without　deep　social　misery；　outrage；　and　disturbance。　Custom　or　law　or　public　opinion；　or　all　three；　have　intervened　in　the　past；　and　will　intervene　in　the　future。　It　is　true　that　there　is　a　movement　from　status　to　contract；　yet　if　we　look　closely；　we　find　that　the　State　has　over　and　over　again　had　to　interfere　to　restrict　the　power　of　individuals　in　which　this　movement　results。　The　real　course　of　development　has　been　first　from　status　to　contract；　then　from　contract　to　a　new　kind　of　status　determined　by　the　law　or；　in　other　words；　from　unregulated　to　regulated　contract。　The　Historical　Method　is　also　of　value　because　it　makes　us　see　where　economic　laws　and　precepts　are　relative。　The　old　economists　were　wont　to　speak　as　if　these　laws　and　precepts　were　universal。　Free　trade；　for　instance；　is　a　sound　policy；　no　doubt；　for　England；　and　for　all　nations　at　a　certain　stage　of　development；　but　it　is　open　to　any　one　to　say　that　free　trade　is　only　good　under　certain　conditions。　No　English　economist；　it　is　true；　has　dared　to　say　this。　Mr　Jevons；　to　take　an　example；　would　admit　restrictions　only　for　considerations　of　the　most　paramount　importance。6　But　it　is　an　unjustifiable　prejudgment　of　the　question　to　lay　down　that　this　policy　must　be　wise　at　all　times　and　places。　I　do　not　mean　to　assert；　however；　that　there　are　not　some　laws　which　are　universally　true；　such　as　the　law　of　diminishing　returns。　　　　　This　discussion　about　method　may　seem　barren；　but　it　is　not　really　so。　Take　such　a　question　as　the　functions　of　the　State。　Mr　Senior　spent　much　time　in　attempting　to　discover　an　universal　formula　which　should　define　their　proper　limit　all　the　world　over。　Such　an　attempt　must　be　abandoned。　The　proper　limits　of　Government　interference　are　relative　to　the　nature　of　each　particular　state　and　the　stage　of　its　civilisation。　It　is　a　matter　of　great　importance　at　the　present　day　for　us　to　discover　what　these　limits　are　in　our　own　case；　for　administration　bids　fair　to　claim　a　large　share　of　our　attention　in　the　future。　It　would　be　well　if；　in　studying　the　past；　we　could　always　bear　in　mind　the　problems　of　the　present；　and　go　to　that　past　to　seek　large　views　of　what　is　of　lasting　importance　to　the　human　race。　It　is　an　old　complaint　that　histories　leave　out　of　sight　those　vital　questions　which　are　connected　with　the　condition　of　the　p