lectures on the industrial revolution in england-第26部分

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　degrade　them　to　sit　at　the　same　board　with　their　workmen；　but　it　is　noticeable　that　directly　the　political　independence　of　the　latter　was　recognised；　as　soon　as　he　possessed　the　franchise；　these　objections　began　to　disappear。　The　new　union　of　employers　and　workmen　which　is　springing　up　in　this　way；　is　based　on　the　independence　of　both　as　citizens　of　a　free　state。　The　employers　meet　their　workmen　also　in　political　committees；　on　School　Boards　and　similar　bodies；　and　the　two　classes　are　learning　to　respect　one　another。　Thus　this　new　union　bids　fair　to　be　stronger　than　the　old　one。　　　　　Still　the　question　remains；　Can　this　political　independence　of　the　workman　be　combined　with　secure　material　independence？　Until　this　is　done　he　will　be　always　at　the　mercy　of　his　employer；　who　may　practically　stultify　his　political　power　by　influencing　his　vote；　as　Mr　George　asserts　is　done　in　New　England。　Among　the　many　solutions　of　this　problem　proposed　in　our　own　country　two　deserve　especial　prominence。　The　first　is　that　of　the　English　Positivists。　Comte；　although　he　had　but　a　glimpse　of　the　English　Trades…Unions；　understood　the　meaning　of　them　far　better　than　Mill。　Inspired　by　him；　Mr　Frederic　Harrison　and　his　friends　deny　the　possibility　of　solving　the　labour　question　by　co…operative　production　or　any　such　schemes。　They　rely　on　a　gradual　change　in　the　moral　nature　of　capitalists；　not　that　they　expect　the　old　system　of　feudal　protection　to　return；　but　they　hope　that　the　'captains　of　industry'　of　the　future　will　rise　to　another　conception　of　their　position；　will　recognise　the　independence　of　the　workman；　and　at　the　same　time　be　willing　to　hand　over　to　him　an　increased　share　of　their　joint　produce。　This　belief　may　seem　ridiculous；　and　we　must　expect　for　a　long　time　yet　to　see　capitalists　still　striving　to　obtain　the　highest　possible　profits。　But　observe；　that　the　passion　for　wealth　is　certainly　in　some　senses　new。　It　grew　up　very　rapidly　at　the　beginning　of　the　present　century；　it　was　not　so　strong　in　the　last　century；　when　men　were　much　more　content　to　lead　a　quiet　easy　life　of　leisure。　The　change　has　really　influenced　the　relations　between　men；　but　in　the　future　it　is　quite　possible　that　the　scramble　for　wealth　may　grow　less　intense；　and　a　change　in　the　opposite　direction　take　place。　The　Comtists　are　right　when　they　say　that　men's　moral　ideas　are　not　fixed。　The　attitude　of　public　opinion　towards　slavery　was　completely　changed　in　twenty　or　thirty　years。　Still　I　am　obliged　to　believe　that　such　a　moral　revolution　as　the　Comtists　hope　for　is　not　possible　within　a　reasonable　space　of　time。　　　　　I　should　have　more　hope　of　industrial　Partnership　as　elaborately　described　by　Mr　Sedley　Taylor。　This　also　implies　a　certain　change　in　the　moral　nature　of　the　employers；　but　one　not　so　great　as　the　alternative　system　would　require。　It　has　been　adopted　in　over　a　hundred　Continental　workshops；　though　the　experiment　of　Messrs　Briggs　in　England　ended　in　failure。　There　is　hope　of　its　being　more　successful　in　the　future；　because　by　promoting　the　energy　of　the　workmen　and　diminishing　waste；　it　coincides　with　the　interest　of　the　employer。　I　think　that　in　some　industries　it　will　extend；　but　that　it　will　not　be　generally　adopted。　　　　　There　remains　the　ordinary　Communist　solution。　This　has　taken　various　forms；　the　simplest　being　a　voluntary　association　of　individuals　based　on　the　principle　of　common　property；　and　in　which　every　person　works　for　the　community　according　to　fixed　rules。　There　are　many　successful　instances　of　this；　on　a　small　scale；　in　the　United　States；　but　we　cannot　suppose　such　a　solution　to　be　possible　for　society　as　a　whole。　It　has　only　been　tried　with　picked　materials；　whereas　our　object　is　rather　to　improve　the　great　mass　of　the　population。　The　Communism　of　recent　European　theorists；　of　whom　the　best　known　is　Lassalle；　presents　a　somewhat　different　aspect。　It　aims　at　the　appropriation　of　all　instruments　of　production　by　the　State；　which　is　to　take　charge　of　the　whole　national　industry　and　direct　it。　But　the　practical　difficulty　of　such　a　scheme　is　obviously　overwhelming。　The　objections　to　a　Communistic　solution　do　not　apply　to　Socialism　in　a　more　modified　shape。　Historically　speaking；　Socialism　has　already　shown　itself　in　England　in　the　extension　of　State　interference。　It　has　produced　the　Factory　Laws；　and　it　is　now　beginning　to　advance　further　and　interfere　directly　in　the　division　of　produce　between　the　workmen　and　their　employers。　The　Employers'　Liability　Act　recognises　that　workmen；　even　when　associated　in　Trades…Unions；　cannot　without　other　aid　secure　full　justice；　and　in　the　name　of　justice　it　has　distinctly　handed　over　to　the　workmen　a　certain　portion　of　the　employers'　wealth。　The　extension　of　relative　interference　however；　though　it　is　to　be　expected　in　one　or　two　directions；　is　not　likely　to　be　of　much　further　importance。　With　regard　to　taxation；　on　the　other　hand；　Socialist　principles　will　probably　attain　a　wide…reaching　application；　and　here　we　shall　see　great　changes。　　　　　The　readjustment　of　taxation　would　enable　the　State　to　supply　for　the　people　many　things　which　they　cannot　supply　for　themselves。　Without　assuming　the　charge　of　every　kind　of　production；　the　State　might　take　into　its　hands　such　businesses　of　vital　importance　as　railways；　or　the　supply　of　gas　and　water。　And　should　not　the　State　attempt　in　the　future　to　grapple　with　such　questions　as　the　housing　of　the　labourers？　Municipalities　might　be　empowered　to　buy　ground　and　let　it　for　building　purposes　below　the　full　competition　market　value。　I　think　that　such　a　scheme　is　practicable　without　demoralising　the　people；　and　it　would　attack　a　problem　which　has　hitherto　baffled　every　form　of　private　enterprise；　for　all　the　Societies　put　together；　which　have　been　formed　in　London　with　this　object　since　1842；　have　succeeded　in　housing　only　60；000　persons。　And　this　brings　up　the　whole　question　of　public　expenditure　for　the　people。　A　new　form　of　association；　which　has　become　common　of　late　years；　is　that　of　a　certain　number　of　private　individuals　combining　to　provide　for　some　want　of　the　public；　such　as　Coffee　Taverns；　or　Artisans'　Dwellings；　or　cheap　music。　Such　Societies　are　founded　primarily　with　philanthropic　objects；　but　they　also　aim　at　a　fair　interest　on　their　capital。　Might　not　municipalities　seek　in　a　similar　way　to　provide　for　the　poor？　In　discussing　all　such　schemes；　however；　we　must　remember　that　the　real　problem　is　not　how　to　produce　some　improvement　in　the　condition　of　the　working　man　…　for　that　has　to　a　certain　extent　been　attained　already　…　but　how　to　secure　his　complete　material　independence。


The　End