lectures on the industrial revolution in england-第9部分

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ad　as　yet；　according　to　Young；　merely　cut　off　his　superfluous　expenditure。　By　the　end　of　the　century　men　had　begun　to　look　back　with　regret　upon　this　epoch　in　the　history　of　the　agricultural　labourer　as　one　of　a　vanished　prosperity。　At　no　time　since　the　passing　of　the　43d　of　Elizabeth；　wrote　Eden　in　1796；　'could　the　labouring　classes　acquire　such　a　portion　of　the　necessaries　and　conveniences　of　life　by　a　day's　work；　as　they　could　before　the　late　unparalleled　advance　in　the　price　of　the　necessaries　of　life。'　　　　　Nor　were　high　wages　and　cheap　food　their　only　advantages。　Their　cottages　were　often　rent…free；　being　built　upon　the　waste。　Each　cottage　had　its　piece　of　ground　attached；　though　the　piece　was　often　a　very　small　one；　for　the　Act　of　Elizabeth；　providing　that　every　cottage　should　have　four　acres　of　land；　was　doubtless　unobserved；　and　was　repealed　in　1775。　Their　common　rights；　besides　providing　fuel；　enabled　them　to　keep　cows　and　pigs　and　poultry　on　the　waste；　and　sheep　on　the　fallows　and　stubbles。　But　these　rights　were　already　being　steadily　curtailed；　and　there　was　'an　open　war　against　cottages。'　consequent　on　the　tendency　to　consolidate　holdings　into　large　sheepfarms。　It　was　becoming　customary；　too；　for　unmarried　labourers　to　be　boarded　in　the　farmers'　houses。　　　　　On　the　whole；　the　agricultural　labourer；　at　any　rate　in　the　south　of　England；　was　much　better　off　in　the　middle　of　the　eighteenth　century　than　his　descendants　were　in　the　middle　of　the　nineteenth。　At　the　later　date　wages　were　actually　lower　in　Suffolk；　Essex；　and　perhaps　parts　of　Wilts；　than　they　were　at　the　former；　in　Berks　they　were　exactly　the　same；　in　Norfolk；　Bucks；　Gloucestershire；　and　South　Wilts；　there　had　been　a　very　trifling　rise；　with　the　exception　of　Sussex　and　Oxfordshire；　there　was　no　county　south　of　the　Trent　in　which　they　had　risen　more　than　one…fourth。　Meanwhile　rent　and　most　necessaries；　except　bread；　had　increased　enormously　in　cost；　while　most　of　the　labourer's　old　privileges　were　lost；　so　that　his　real　wages　had　actually　diminished。　But　in　the　manufacturing　districts　of　the　north　his　condition　had　improved。　While　nominal　wages　in　the　south　had　risen　on　the　average　14　per　cent。；　here　they　had　risen　on　the　average　66　per　cent。　In　some　districts　the　rise　had　been　as　great　as　200　per　cent。　In　Arthur　Young's　time　the　agricultural　wages　of　Lancashire　were　4s。　6d。　…　the　lowest　rate　in　England；　in　1821　they　had　risen　to　14s。　It　may　be　roughly　said　that　the　relative　positions　of　the　labourer　north　and　south　of　the　Trent　had　been　exactly　reversed　in　the　course　of　a　century。　　　　　In　Arthur　Young's　time　the　highest　wages　were　to　be　found　in　Lincolnshire；　the　East　Riding；　and；　following　close　upon　these；　the　metropolitan　and　eastern　counties。　At　first　sight　the　high　rate　of　wages　in　the　first　two　counties　seems　to　contradict　the　general　law　about　their　relative　condition　in　north　and　south。　But　on　investigation　we　find　it　to　be　due　to　exceptional　circumstances。　Arguing　on　the　deductive　method；　we　should　conjecture　a　large　demand　for　or　a　small　supply　of　labour；　and；　in　fact；　we　find　both　these　influences　in　operation。　The　population　had　actually　diminished；　in　Lincolnshire　from　64　to　58　to　the　square　mile；　in　the　East　Riding；　from　80　to　71；　this　was　partly　due　to　the　enclosures　and　the　conversion　of　arable　to　pasture；　partly　to　the　increase　of　manufactures　in　the　West　Riding。　Thus　the　labourers　had　been　drawn　off　to　the　latter　at　the　same　time　that　they　were　being　driven　out　of　the　agricultural　districts。　And　for　the　remaining　labourers　there　was　a　great　demand　in　public　works；　such　as　turnpike…roads　and　agricultural　improvements　on　a　large　scale。　　　　　But　there　were　many　local　variations　of　wages　which　are　far　less　easy　to　bring　under　the　ordinary　rules　of　Political　Economy；　There　was　often　the　greatest　inequality　in　the　same　county。　In　Lincolnshire；　for　instance；　wages　varied　from　12s。　3d。　to　7s。；　and　even　6s。　It　was　at　this　very　time　that　Adam　Smith；　arguing　deductively　from　his　primary　axiom　that　men　follow　their　pecuniary　interest；　enunciated　the　law　that　wages　tend　to　an　equality　in　the　same　neighbourhood　and　the　same　occupation。　Why　then　these　variations？　Adam　Smith　himself　partly　supplies　the　answer。　His　law　pretends　to　exactness　only　'when　society　is　left　to　the　natural　course　of　things。'　Now　this　was　impossible　when　natural　tendencies　were　diverted　by　legal　restrictions　on　the　movement　of　labour；　such　as　the　law　of　settlement；　which　resulted　in　confining　every　labourer　to　his　own　parish。　But　we　must　not　seek　the　cause　of　these　irregularities　of　wages　merely　in　legal　restrictions。　Apart　from　disturbing　influences　such　as　this；　men　do　not　always　act　in　accordance　with　their　pecuniary　interest；　there　are　other　influences　at　work　affecting　their　conduct。　One　of　the　strongest　of　these　is　attachment　to　locality。　It　was　this　influence　which　partly　frustrated　the　recent　efforts　of　the　Labourers'　Union　to　remove　the　surplus　labour　of　the　east　and　south　to　the　north。　Again；　there　are　apathy　and　ignorance；　factors　of　immense　importance　in　determining　the　action　of　the　uneducated　majority　of　men。　In　1872　there　were　labourers　in　Devon　who　had　never　heard　of　Lancashire；　where　they　might　have　been　earning　double　their　own　wages。　Human　beings；　as　Adam　Smith　says；　are　'of　all　baggage　the　most　difficult　to　be　transported；'　though　their　comparative　mobility　depends　upon　the　degree　of　their　education；　the　state　of　communications；　and　the　industrial　conditions　of　any　particular　time。　The　English　labourer　to…day　is　far　more　easy　to　move　than　he　was　a　hundred　years　ago。　In　a　stirring　new　country　like　America　there　is　much　more　mobility　of　labour　than　in　England。　　　　　Turning　from　the　agricultural　wage…earners　to　those　engaged　in　manufactures；　we　find　their　condition　at　this　period　on　the　whole　much　inferior　to　what　it　is　now；　in　spite　of　the　widening　gulf　between　capitalist　and　labourer；　the　status　of　the　artisan　has　distinctly　improved　since　Adam　Smith's　time。　His　nominal　wages　have　doubled　or　trebled。　A　carpenter　then　earned　2s。　6d。　a　day；　he　now　earns　5s。　6d。　A　cotton　weaver　then　earned　5s。　a　week；　he　now　earns　20s。；　and　so　on。　But　it　is　difficult　to　compare　the　condition　of　the　artisan　as　a　whole　at　the　two　periods；　because　so　many　entirely　new　classes　of　workmen　have　come　into　existence　during　the　past　century；　for　instance；　the　engineers；　whose　Union　now　includes　50；000　men　earning　from　25s。　to　40s。　a　week。　And　if　wages　have　on　the　whole　very　greatly　increased；　there　were；　on　the　other　hand；　some　obvious　advantages　which　the　artisan　possessed　in　those　days；　but　has　since　lost。　For　the　manufacturing　population　still　lived　to　a　very　great　extent　in　the　country。　The　artisan　often　had　his　small　piece　of　land；　which　supplied　him　with　wholesome　food　and　healthy　recreation。　His　wages　and　employment　too　were　more　regular。　He　was　not　subject　to　the　uncertainties　and　knew　nothing　of　the　fearful　sufferings　which　his　descendants　were　to　endure　from　commercial　fluctuations；　especially　before　the　introduction　of　free　trade。　For　the　whole　inner　life　of　industry　was；　as　we　have　seen；　entirely　different　from　what　it　now　is。　The　relation　between　the　workmen　and　their　employers　was　much　closer；　so　that　in　many　industries　they　were　not　two　classes　but　one。　As　among　the　agriculturists　the　farmer　and　labourer　lived　much　the　same　life…for　the　capitalist　farmers　as　a　class　were　not　yet　in　existence…and　ate　at　the　same　board；　so　in　manufacturing　industries　the　journeyman　was　often　on　his　way　to　become　a　master。　The　distribution　of　wealth　was；　indeed；　in　all　respects　more　equal。　Landed　property；　though　gradually　being　concentrated；　was　still　in　a　far　larger　number　of　hands；　and　even　the　great　landlords　possessed　nothing　like　their　present　riches。　They　had　no　vast　mineral　wealth；　or　rapidly　developing　town　property。　A　great　number　of　the　trading　industries；　too；　were　still　in　the　hands　of　small　capitalists。　Great　trades；　like　the　iron　trade；　requiring　large　capital；　had　hardly　come　into　existence。

VII。　The　Mercantile　System　and　Adam　Smith

　　　　The　contrast　between　the　industrial　England　of　1760　and　the　industrial　England　of　to…day　is　not　only　one　of　external　conditions。　Side　by　side　with　the　revolution　which　the　intervening　century　has　effected　in　the　methods　and　organisation　of　production；　there　has　taken　place　a　change　no　less　radical　in　men's　economic　principles；　and　in　the　attitude　of　the　State　to　individual　enterprise。　England　in　1760　was　still　to　a　great　extent　under　the　medieval　system　of　minute　and　manifold　industrial　regulations。　That　system　was　indeed　decaying；　but　it　had　not　yet　been　superseded　by　the　modern　principle　of　industrial　freedom。　To　understand　the　origin　of　the　medieval　system　we　must　go　back　to　a　time　when　the　State　was　still　conceived　of　as　a　religious　institution　with　ends　that　embraced　the　whole　of　human　life。　In　an　age　when　it　was　deemed　the　duty　of　the　State　to　watch　over　the　individual　citizen　in　all　his　relations；　and　provide　not　only　for　his　protection　from　force　and　fraud；　but　for　his　eternal　welfare；　it　was　but　natural　that　it　should　attempt　to　insure　a　legal　rate　of　interest；　fair　wages；　honest　wares。　Things　of　vital　importance　to　man's　life　were　not　to　be　left　to　chance　or　self…interest　to　settle。　For　no　philosophy　had　as　yet　identified　God　and　Nature：　no　optimistic　theory　of　the　world　had　reconciled　public　and　private　interest。　And　at　the　same　time；　the　smallness　of　the　world　and　the　community；　and　the　comparative　simplicity　of　the　social　system　made　the　attempt　to　regulate　the　industrial　relations　of　men　less　absurd　than　it　would　appear　to　us　in　the　present　day。　　　　　This　theory　of　the　State；　and　the　policy　of　regulation　and　restriction　which　sprang　from　it；　still　largely　affected　English　industry　at　the　time　when　Adam　Smith　wrote。　There　was；　indeed；　great　freedom　of　internal　trade；　there　were　no　provincial　customs…barriers　as　in　contemporary　France　and　Prussia。　Adam　Smith　singled　out　this　fact　as　one　of　the　main　causes　of　English　prosperity；　and　to　Colbert　and　Stein；　and　other　admirers　of　the　English　system；　such　freedom　appeared　as　an　ideal　to　be　constantly　striven　after。　But　though　internal　trade　was　free　for　the　passage　of　commodities；　yet　there　still　existed　a