the crisis in russia(俄国危机)-第25部分
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fear any enforced continuation of war of any kind。 If； in the course of
time； they come to have a definite political programme； I think it not
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impossible that they may turn into a new kind of constitutional democrat。
That does not mean that they will have any use for M。 Milukov or for a
monarch with whom M。 Milukov might be ready to supply them。 The
Constitution for which they will work will be that very Soviet Constitution
which is now in abeyance； and the democracy which they associate with it
will be that form of democracy which were it to be accurately observed in
the present state of Russia； that Constitution would provide。 The
capitalist in Russia has long ago earned the position in which； according to
the Constitution； he has a right to vote； since he has long ago ceased to be
a capitalist。 Supposing the Soviet Constitution were today to be literally
applied； it would be found that practically no class except the priests
would be excluded from the franchise。 And when this agitation swells in
volume； it will be an agitation extremely difficult to resist； supposing
Russia to be at peace； so that there will be no valid excuse with which to
meet it。 These new constitutional democrats will be in the position of
saying to the Communists； 〃Give us； without change； that very
Constitution which you yourselves drew up。〃 I think they will find many
friends inside the Communist Party； particularly among those Communists
who are also Trade Unionists。 I heard something very like the arguments
of this new variety of constitutional democrat in the Kremlin itself at an
All…Russian Conference of the Communist Party。 A workman； Sapronov；
turned suddenly aside in a speech on quite another matter； and said with
great violence that the
present system was in danger of running to seed and turning into
oligarchy； if not autocracy。 Until the moment when he put his listeners
against him by a personal attack on Lenin； there was no doubt that he had
with him the sympathies of quite a considerable section of an exclusively
Communist audience。
Given peace； given an approximate return to normal conditions； non…
partyism may well profoundly modify the activities of the Communists。
It would certainly be strong enough to prevent the rasher spirits among
them from jeopardizing peace or from risking Russia's chance of
convalescence for the sake of promoting in any way the growth of
revolution abroad。 Of course； so long as it is perfectly obvious that
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Soviet Russia is attacked； no serious growth of non…partyism is to be
expected； but it is obvious that any act of aggression on the part of the
Soviet Government； once Russia had attained peace…which she has not
known since 1914…would provide just the basis of angry discontent which
might divide even the disciplined ranks of the Communists and give non…
partyism an active； instead of a comparatively passive； backing throughout
the country。
Non…partyism is already the peasants' way of expressing their
aloofness from the revolution and； at the same time； their readiness to
defend that revolution against anybody who attacks it from outside。
Lenin； talking to me about the general attitude of the peasants； said：
〃Hegel wrote 'What is the People？ The people is that part of the nation
which does not know what it wants。' That is a good description of the
Russian peasantry at the present time； and it applies equally well to your
Arthur Hendersons and Sidney Webbs in England； and to all other people
like yourself who want incompatible things。 The peasantry are
individualists； but they support us。 We have； in some degree； to thank
Kolchak and Denikin for that。 They are in favor of the Soviet
Government； but hanker after Free Trade； not understanding that the two
things are self…contradictory。 Of course； if they were a united political
force they could swamp us； but they are disunited both in their interests
and geographically。 The interests of the poorer and middle class peasants
are in
contradiction to those of the rich peasant farmer who employs laborers。
The poorer and middle class see that we support them against the rich
peasant； and also see that he is ready to support what is obviously not in
their interests。〃 I said； 〃If State agriculture in Russia comes to be on a
larger scale； will there not be a sort of proletarianization of the peasants so
that； in the long run； their interests will come to be more or less identical
with those of the workers in other than agricultural industry！〃 He replied；
〃Something in that direction is being done； but it will have to be done very
carefully and must take a very long time。 When we are getting many
thousands of tractors from abroad； then something of the sort would
become possible。〃 Finally I asked him point blank； 〃Did he think they
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would pull through far enough economically to be able to satisfy the needs
of the peasantry before that same peasantry had organized a real political
opposition that should overwhelm them！〃 Lenin laughed。 〃If I could
answer that question；〃 he said； 〃I could answer everything； for on the
answer to that question everything depends。 I think we can。 Yes； I
think we can。 But I do not know that we can。〃
Non…partyism may well be the protoplasmic stage of the future
political opposition of the peasants。
POSSIBILITIES
I have done my best to indicate the essential facts in Russia's problem
today； and to describe the organization and methods with which she is
attempting its solution。 I can give no opinion as to whether by these
means the Russians will succeed in finding their way out of the quagmire
of industrial ruin in which they are involved。 I can only say that they are
unlikely to find their way out by any other means。 I think this is
instinctively felt in Russia。 Not otherwise would it have been possible
for the existing
organization； battling with one hand to save the towns front starvation；
to destroy with the other the various forces clothed and armed by Western
Europe； which have attempted its undoing。 The mere fact of continued
war has； of course； made progress in the solution of the economic problem
almost impossible； but the fact that the economic problem was unsolved；
must have made war impossible； if it were not that the instinct of the
people was definitely against Russian or foreign invaders。 Consider for
one moment the military position。
Although the enthusiasm for the Polish war began to subside （even
among the Communists） as soon as the Poles had been driven back from
Kiev to their own frontiers； although the Poles are occupying an enormous
area of non…Polish territory； although the Communists have had to
conclude with Poland a peace obviously unstable； the military position of
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Soviet Russia is infinitely better this time than it was in 1918 or 1919。 In
1918 the Ukraine was held by German troops and the district east of the
Ukraine was in the hands of General Krasnov； the author of a flattering
letter to the Kaiser。 In the northwest the Germans were at Pskov； Vitebsk
and Mohilev。 We ourselves were at Murmansk and Archangel。 In the
east； the front which became known as that of Kolchak； was on the Volga。
Soviet Russia was a little hungry island with every prospect of submersion。
A year later the Germans had vanished； the flatterers of the Kaiser had
joined hands with those who were temporarily flattering the Allies；
Yudenitch's troops were within sight of Petrograd； Denikin was at Orel；
almost within striking distance of Moscow； there had been a stampede of
desertion from the Red Army。 There was danger that Finland might
strike at any moment。 Although in the east Kolchak had been swept over
the Urals to his ultimate disaster； the situation of Soviet Russia seemed
even more desperate than in the year before。 What is the position today！
Esthonia； Latvia； Lithuania； and Finland are at peace with Russia。 The
Polish peace brings compar
