the crisis in russia(俄国危机)-第7部分
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Men's Republics〃 （though； for the sake of their own Republic； they are not
inclined to postpone trade with Europe until that epoch arrives）。 At the
very time when spades and sickles are wearing out or worn out； these men
are determined that the food output of Russia shall sooner or later be
increased by the introduction of better methods of agriculture and farming
on a larger scale。 We are witnessing in Russia the first stages of a titanic
struggle； with on one side all the forces of nature leading apparently to an
inevitable collapse of civilization； and on the other side nothing but the
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THE CRISIS IN RUSSIA
incalculable force of human will。
THE COMMUNIST
DICTATORSHIP
How is that will expressed？ What is the organization welded by
adversity which； in this crisis； supersedes even the Soviet Constitution；
and stands between this people and chaos？
It is a commonplace to say that Russia is ruled； driven if you like；
cold； starving as she is； to effort after effort by the dictatorship of a party。
It is a commonplace alike in the mouths of those who wish to make the
continued existence of that organization impossible and in the mouths of
the Communists themselves。 At the second congress of the Third
International； Trotsky remarked。 〃A party as such； in the course of the
development of a revolution； becomes identical with the revolution。〃
Lenin； on the same occasion； replying to a critic who said that he differed
from； the Communists in his understanding of what was meant by the
Dictatorship of the Proletariat； said； 〃He says that we understand by the
words 'Dictatorship of the Proletariat' what is actually the dictatorship of
its determined and conscious minority。 And that is the fact。〃 Later he
asked； 〃What is this minority？ It may be called a party。 If this
minority is actually conscious； if it is able to draw the masses after it；
if it shows itself capable of replying to every question on the agenda list of
the political day； it actually constitutes a party。〃 And Trotsky again； on
the same occasion； illustrated the relative positions of the Soviet
Constitution and the Communist Party when he said； 〃And today； now that
we have received an offer of peace from the Polish Government； who
decides the question？ Whither are the workers to turn？ We have our
Council of People's Commissaries； of course； but that； too； must be under
a certain control。 Whose control？ The control of the working class as a
formless chaotic mass？ No。 The Central Committee of the party is called
together to discuss and decide the question。 And when we have to wage
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THE CRISIS IN RUSSIA
war； to form new divisions； to find the best elements for them…to whom do
we turn？ To the party； to the Central Committee。 And it gives directives
to the local committees； 'Send Communists to the front。' The case is
precisely the same with the Agrarian question； with that of supply； and
with all other questions whatsoever。〃
No one denies these facts； but their mere statement is quite
inadequate to explain what is being done in Russia and how it is being
done。 I do not think it would be a waste of time to set down as briefly as
possible； without the comments of praise or blame that would be
inevitable from one primarily interested in the problem from the Capitalist
or Communist point of view what； from observation and inquiry； I believe
to be the main framework of the organization whereby that dictatorship of
the party works。
The Soviet Constitution is not so much moribund as in abeyance。
The Executive Committee； for example； which used to meet once a week
or even oftener； now meets on the rarest occasions。 Criticism on this
account was met with the reply that the members of the Executive
Committee； for example； which used to meet once a week or even oftener；
now meets on the rarest occasions。 Criticism on this account was met
with the reply that the members of the Executive Committee were busy on
the front and in various parts of Russia。 As a matter of fact； the work
which that Committee used to do is now done by Central Committee of
the Bolshevik Party； so that the bulk of the 150 members of
the Central Executive are actually free for other work； a saving of
something like 130 men。 This does not involve any very great change；
but merely an economy in the use of men。 In the old days； as I well
remember； the opening of a session of the Executive Committee was
invariably late； the reason being that the various parties composing it had
not yet finished their preliminary and private discussions。 There is now
an overwhelming Communist majority in the Executive Committee； as
elsewhere。 I think it may be regarded as proved that these majorities are
not always legitimately obtained。 Non…Communist delegates do
undoubtedly find every kind of difficulty put in their way by the rather
Jesuitical adherents of the faith。 But。 no matter how these majorities are
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THE CRISIS IN RUSSIA
obtained； the result is that when the Communist Party has made up its
mind on any subject； it is so certain of being able to carry its point that the
calling together of the All…Russian Executive Committee is merely a
theatrical demonstration of the fact that it can do what it likes。 When it
does meet； the Communists allow the microscopical opposition great
liberty of speech； listen quietly； cheer ironically； and vote like one man；
proving on every occasion that the meeting of the Executive Committee
was the idlest of forms； intended rather to satisfy purists than for purposes
of discussion； since the real discussion has all taken place beforehand
among the Communists themselves。 Something like this must happen
with every representative assembly at which a single party has a great
preponderance and a rigid internal discipline。 The real interest is in the
discussion inside the Party Committees。
This state of affairs would probably be more actively resented if the
people were capable of resenting anything but their own hunger； or of
fearing anything but a general collapse which would turn that hunger into
starvation。 It must be remembered that the urgency of the economic
crisis has driven political questions into the background。 The
Communists （compare Rykov's remarks on this subject； p。 175） believe
that this is the natural result of social revolution。 They think that political
parties will disappear altogether and that people will band together； not for
the victory of one of several contending political parties； but solely for
economic cooperation or joint enterprise in art or science。 In support of
this they point to the number of
their opponents who have become Communists； and to the still greater
number of non…Communists who are loyally working with them for the
economic reconstruction of the country。 I do not agree with the
Communists in this； nor yet with their opponents； who attribute the death
of political discussion to fear of the Extraordinary Commission。 I think
that both the Communists and their opponents underestimate the influence
of the economic ruin that affects everybody。 The latter particularly； feeling
that in some way they must justify themselves to politically minded
foreign visitors； seek an excuse for their apathy in the one institution that
is almost universally unpopular。 I have many non…Communist friends in
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Russia； but have never detected the least restraint that could be attributed
to fear of anybody in their criticisms of the Communist regime。 The fear
existed alike among Communists and non…Communists； but it was like the
fear of people walking about in a particularly bad thunderstorm。 The
activities and arrests of the Extraordinary Commission are so haphazard；
often so utterly illogical； that it is quite idle for any one to say to himself
that by following any given line of conduct he will avoid molestation。
Also； there is something in the Russian character which makes any
