part05+-第75部分
按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页,按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页,按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部!
————未阅读完?加入书签已便下次继续阅读!
done here; no one proposes to submit to any such tribunal
questions involving the honor of any nation or the inviolability
of its territory; or any of those things which nations feel
instinctively must be reserved for their own decision。 Nor does
any thinking man here propose obligatory arbitration in any case;
save; possibly; in sundry petty matters where such arbitration
would be a help to the ordinary administration of all
governments; and; even as to these; they can be left out of the
scheme if your government seriously desires it。
The great thing is that there be a provision made or easily
calling together a court of arbitration which shall be seen of
all nations; indicate a sincere desire to promote peace; and; in
some measure; relieve the various peoples of the fear which so
heavily oppresses them allthe dread of an outburst of war at
any moment。
I note that it has been believed by many that the motives of
Russia in proposing this conference were none too good;indeed;
that they were possibly perfidious; but; even if this be granted;
how does this affect the conduct of Germany? Should it not rather
lead Germany to go forward boldly and thoughtfully; to accept the
championship of the idea of arbitration; and to take the lead in
the whole business here?
Germany; if she will do this; will certainly stand before the
whole world as the leading power of Europe; for she can then say
to the whole world that she has taken the proposal of Russia au
serieux; has supported a thoroughly good plan of arbitration; has
done what Russia and France have not been willing to do;favored
the presentation to the conference of a plan providing for the
immunity of private property from seizure on the high seas during
war;and that while; as regards the proceedings of the
conference; Russia has wished secrecy; Germany has steadily; from
the first; promoted frankness and openness。
With these three points in your favor; you can stand before the
whole world as the great Continental power which has stood up f
or peace as neither Russia nor France has been able to do。 On the
other hand; if you do not do this; if you put a stumbling…block
in the way of arbitration; what results? The other powers will go
on and create as good a tribunal as possible; and whatever
failure may come will be imputed to Germany and to its Emperor。
In any case; whether failure or success may come; the Emperor of
Russia will be hailed in all parts of the world as a deliverer
and; virtually; as a saint; while there will be a wide…spread
outburst of hatred against the German Emperor。
And this will come not alone from the anti…social forces which
are hoping that the conference may fail; in order that thereby
they may have a new weapon in their hands; but it will also come
from the middle and substantial classes of other nations。
It is sure to make the relations between Germany and the United
States; which have been of late improving infinitely more bitter
than they have ever before been and it is no less sure to provoke
the most bitter hatred of the German monarchy in nearly all other
nations。
Should his advisers permit so noble and so gifted a sovereign to
incur this political storm of obloquy; this convergence of hatred
upon him? Should a ruler of such noble ambitions and such
admirable powers be exposed to this? I fully believe that he
should not; and that his advisers should beg him not to place
himself before the world as the antagonist of a plan to which
millions upon millions in all parts of the world are devoted。
From the United States come evidences of a feeling wide…spread
and deep on this subject beyond anything I have ever known。 This
very morning I received a prayer set forth by the most
conservative of all Protestant religious bodiesnamely; the
American branch of the Anglican Churchto be said in all
churches; begging the Almighty to favor the work of the peace
conference; and this is what is going on in various other
American churches; and in vast numbers of households。 Something
of the same sort is true in Great Britain and; perhaps in many
parts of the Continent。
Granted that expectations are overwrought; still this fact
indicates that here is a feeling which cannot be disregarded。
Moreover; to my certain knowledge; within a month; a leading
socialist in France has boasted to one of the members of this
conference that it would end in failure; that the monarchs and
governments of Europe do not wish to diminish bloodshed; that
they would refuse to yield to the desire of the peoples for
peace; and that by the resentment thus aroused a new path to
victory would be open to socialism。
Grant; too; that this is overstated; still such a declaration is
significant。
I know it has been said that arbitration is derogatory to
sovereignty。 I really fail to see how this can be said in
Germany。 Germany has already submitted a great political question
between herself and Spain to arbitration; and the Emperor William
I was himself the arbiter between the United States and Great
Britain in the matter of our northwestern boundary。
Bear in mind again that it is only VOLUNTARY arbitration that is
proposed; and that it will always rest with the German Emperor to
decide what questions he will submit to the tribunal and what he
will not。
It has also been said that arbitration proceedings would give the
enemies of Germany time to put themselves in readiness for war;
but if this be feared in any emergency; the Emperor and his
government are always free to mobilize the German army at once。
As you are aware; what is seriously proposed here now; in the way
of arbitration; is not a tribunal constantly in session; but a
system under which each of the signatory powers shall be free to
choose; for a limited time; from an international court; say two
or more judges who can go to The Hague if their services are
required; but to be paid only while actually in session here;
such payment to be made by the litigating parties。
As to the machinery; the plan is that there shall be a dignified
body composed of the diplomatic representatives of the various
signatory powers; to sit at The Hague; presided over by the
Netherlands minister of foreign affairs; and to select and to
control such secretaries and officers as may be necessary for the
ordinary conduct of affairs。
Such council would receive notice from powers having differences
with each other which are willing to submit the questions between
them to a court; and would then give notice to the judges
selected by the parties。 The whole of the present plan; except
some subordinate features of little account; which can easily be
stricken out; is voluntary。 There is nothing whatever obligatory
about it。 Every signatory power is free to resort to such a
tribunal or not; as it may think best。 Surely a concession like
this may well be made to the deep and wide sentiment throughout
the world in favor of some possible means of settling
controversies between nations other than by bloodshed。
Pardon me for earnestly pressing upon you these facts and
considerations。 I beg that you will not consider me as going
beyond my province。 I present them to you as man to man; not only
in the interest of good relations between Germany and the United
States; but of interests common to all the great nations of the
earth;of their common interest in giving something like
satisfaction to a desire so earnest and wide…spread as that which
has been shown in all parts of the world for arbitration。
I remain; dear Baron von Bulow;
Most respectfully and sincerely yours;
(Sgd。) ANDREW D。 WHITE。
P。 S。 Think how easily; if some such tribunal existed; your
government and mine could refer to it the whole mass of minor
questions which our respective parliamentary bodies have got
control of; and entangled in all sorts of petty prejudices and
demagogical utterances; for instance; Samoa; the tonnage dues;
the sugar…bounty question; the most…favored…nation clause; etc。;
etc。; which keep the two countries constantly at loggerheads。 Do
you not see that submission of such questions to such a tribunal
as is now proposed; so far from being derogatory to sovereignty;
really relieves the sovereign and the Foreign Office of the most
vexatious fetters and limitations of parliamentarianism。 It is
not at all unlikely that such a court would decide in your favor;
and if so; every thoughtful American would say; 〃Well and good;
it appears that; in spite of all the speeches in Congress; we
were wrong。〃 And the matter would then be ended with the
good…will of all parties。
(Sgd。) A。D。W。
It is indeed a crisis in the history of the conference; and
perhaps in the history of Germany。 I can only hope that Bulow
will give careful attention to the considerations which Munster
and myself press upon him。
Later in the day Sir Julian Pauncefote called; evidently much
vexed that the sitting of the subcommittee had been deferred; and
even more vexed since he had learned from De Staal the real
reason。 He declared that he was opposed to stringing out the
conference