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but　a　system　of　the　private　economy　of　the　human　race；　as　that



would　constitute　itself　were　there　no　interference　on　the　part　of



any　Government；　were　there　no　wars；　no　hostile　foreign　tariff



restrictions。　Nowhere　do　the　advocates　of　that　system　care　to　point



out　by　what　means　those　nations　which　are　now　prosperous　have



raised　themselves　to　that　stage　of　power　and　prosperity　which　we



see　them　maintain；　and　from　what　causes　others　have　lost　that



degree　of　prosperity　and　power　which　they　formerly　maintained。　We



can　only　learn　from　it　how　in　private　industry；　natural　ability；



labour　and　capital；　are　combined　in　order　to　bring　into　exchange



valuable　products；　and　in　what　manner　these　latter　are　distributed



among　the　human　race　and　consumed　by　it。　But　what　means　are　to　be



adopted　in　order　to　bring　the　natural　powers　belonging　to　any



individual　nation　into　activity　and　value；　to　raise　a　poor　and　weak



nation　to　prosperity　and　power；　cannot　be　gathered　from　it；　because



the　school　totally　ignoring　politics；　ignores　the　special



conditions　of　the　nation；　and　concerns　itself　merely　about　the



prosperity　of　the　whole　human　race。　Wherever　international　commerce



is　in　question；　the　native　individual　is　throughout　simply　pitted



against　the　foreign　individual；　examples　from　the　private　dealings



of　separate　merchants　are　throughout　the　only　ones　adduced　　goods



are　spoken　of　in　general　terms　（without　considering　whether　the



question　is　one　of　raw　products　or　of　manufactured　articles）　　in



order　to　prove　that　it　is　equally　for　the　benefit　of　the　nation



whether　its　exports　and　imports　consist　of　money；　of　raw　materials；



or　of　manufactured　goods；　and　whether　or　not　they　balance　one



another。　If　we；　for　example；　terrified　at　the　commercial　crises



which　prevail　in　the　United　States　of　North　America　like　native



epidemics；　consult　this　theory　as　to　the　means　of　averting　or



diminishing　them；　it　leaves　us　utterly　without　comfort　or



instruction；　nay；　it　is　indeed　impossible　for　us　to　investigate



these　phenomena　scientifically；　because；　under　the　penalty　of　being



taken　for　muddleheads　and　ignoramuses；　we　must　not　even　utter　the



term　'balance　of　trade；'　while　this　term　is；　notwithstanding；　made



use　of　in　all　legislative　assemblies；　in　all　bureaux　of



administration；　on　every　exchange。　For　the　sake　of　the　welfare　of



humanity；　the　belief　is　inculcated　on　us　that　exports　always



balance　themselves　spontaneously　by　imports；　notwithstanding　that



we　read　in　public　accounts　how　the　Bank　of　England　comes　to　the



assistance　of　the　nature　of　things；　notwithstanding　that　corn　laws



exist；　which　make　it　somewhat　difficult　for　the　agriculturist　of



those　countries　which　deal　with　England　to　pay　with　his　own　produce



for　the　manufactured　goods　which　he　consumes。



　　　　The　school　recognises　no　distinction　between　nations　which　have



attained　a　higher　degree　of　economical　development；　and　those　which



occupy　a　lower　stage。　Everywhere　it　seeks　to　exclude　the　action　of



the　power　of　the　State；　everywhere；　according　to　it；　will　the



individual　be　so　much　better　able　to　produce；　the　less　the　power　of



the　State　concerns　itself　for　him。　In　fact；　according　to　this



doctrine　savage　nations　ought　to　be　the　most　productive　and　wealthy



of　the　earth；　for　nowhere　is　the　individual　left　more　to　himself



than　in　the　savage　state；　nowhere　is　the　action　of　the　power　of　the



State　less　perceptible。



　　　　Statistics　and　history；　however；　teach；　on　the　contrary；　that



the　necessity　for　the　intervention　of　legislative　power　and



administration　is　everywhere　more　apparent；　the　further　the　economy



of　the　nation　is　developed。　As　individual　liberty　is　in　general　a



good　thing　so　long　only　as　it　does　not　run　counter　to　the　interests



of　society；　so　is　it　reasonable　to　hold　that　private　industry　can



only　lay　claim　to　unrestricted　action　so　long　as　the　latter



consists　with　the　well…being　of　the　nation。　But　whenever　the



enterprise　and　activity　of　individuals　does　not　suffice　for　this



purpose；　or　in　any　case　where　these　might　become　injurious　to　the



nation；　there　does　private　industry　rightly　require　support　from



the　whole　power　of　the　nation；　there　ought　it　for　the　sake　of　its



own　interests　to　submit　to　legal　restrictions。



　　　　If　the　school　represents　the　free　competition　of　all　producers



as　the　most　effectual　means　for　promoting　the　prosperity　of　the



human　race；　it　is　quite　right　from　the　point　of　view　which　it



assumes。　On　the　hypothesis　of　a　universal　union；　every　restriction



on　the　honest　exchange　of　goods　between　various　countries　seems



unreasonable　and　injurious。　But　so　long　as　other　nations



Subordinate　the　interests　of　the　human　race　as　a　whole　to　their



national　interests；　it　is　folly　to　speak　of　free　competition　among



the　individuals　of　various　nations。　The　arguments　of　the　school　in



favour　of　free　competition　are　thus　only　applicable　to　the　exchange



between　those　who　belong　to　one　and　the　same　nation。　Every　great



nation；　therefore；　must　endeavour　to　form　an　aggregate　within



itself；　which　will　enter　into　commercial　intercourse　with　other



similar　aggregates　so　far　only　as　that　intercourse　is　Suitable　to



the　interests　of　its　own　special　community。　These　interests　of　the



community　are；　however；　infinitely　different　from　the　private



interests　of　all　the　separate　individuals　of　the　nation；　if　each



individual　is　to　be　regarded　as　existing　for　himself　alone　and　not



in　the　character　of　a　member　of　the　national　community；　if　we



regard　（as　Smith　and　Say　do）　individuals　as　mere　producers　and



consumers；　not　citizens　of　states　or　members　of　nations；　for　as



such；　mere　individuals　do　not　concern　themselves　for　the　prosperity



of　future　generations　　they　deem　it　foolish　（as　Mr　Cooper　really



demonstrates　to　us）　to　make　certain　and　present　sacrifices　in　order



to　endeavour　to　obtain　a　benefit　which　is　as　yet　uncertain　and



lying　in　the　vast　field　of　the　future　（if　even　it　possess　any　value



at　all）；　they　care　but　little　for　the　continuance　of　the　nation　



they　would　expose　the　ships　of　their　merchants　to　become　the　prey



of　every　bold　pirate　　they　trouble　themselves　but　little　about



the　power；　the　honour；　or　the　glory　of　the　nation；　at　the　most　they



can　persuade　themselves　to　make　some　material　sacrifices　for　the



education　of　their　children；　and　to　give　them　the　opportunity　of



learning　a　trade；　provided　always　that　after　the　lapse　of　a　few



years　the　learners　are　placed　in　a　position　to　earn　their　own



bread。



　　　　Indeed；　according　to　the　prevailing　theory；　so　analogous　is



national　economy　to　private　economy　that　J。　B。　Say；　where



（exceptionally）　he　allows　that　internal　industry　may　be　protected



by　the　State；　makes　it　a　condition　of　so　doing；　that　every



probability　must　exist　that　after　the　lapse　of　a　few　years　it　will



attain　independence；　just　as　a　shoemaker's　apprentice　is　allowed



only　a　few　years'　time　in　order　to　perfect　himself　so　far　in　his



trade　as　to　do　without　parental　assistance。







NOTES：







1。　Wealth　of　Nations；　Book　IV。　chap。　ii。







2。　Lectures　on　Political　Economy；　by　Thomas　Cooper；　pp。　1；　15；　19；



117。







Chapter　15







Nationality　and　the　Economy　of　the　Nation







　　　　The　system　of　the　school　suffers；　as　we　have　already　shown　in



the　preceding　chapters；　from　three　main　defects：　firstly；　from



boundless　cosmopolitanism；　which　neither　recognises　the　principle



of　nationality；　nor　takes　into　consideration　the　satisfaction　of



its　interests；　secondly；　from　a　dead　materialism；　which　everywhere



regards　chiefly　the　mere　exchangeable　value　of　things　without



taking　into　consideration　the　mental　and　political；　the　present　and



the　future　interests；　and　the　productive　powers　of　the　nation；



thirdly；　from　a　disorganising　particularism　and　individualism；



which；　ignoring　the　nature　and　character　of　social　labour　and　the



operation　of　the　union　of　powers　in　their　higher　consequences；



considers　private　industry　only　as　it　would　develop　itself　under　a



state　of　free　interchange　with　society　（i。e。　with　the　whole　human



race）　were　that　race　not　divided　into　separate　national　societies。



　　　　Between　each　individual　and　entire　humanity；　however；　stands



THE　NATION；　with　its　special　language　and　literature；　with　its



peculiar　origin　and　history；　with　its　special　manners　and　customs；



laws　and　institutions；　with　the　claims　of　all　these　for　existence；



independence；　perfection；　and　continuance　for　the　future；　and　with



its　separate　territory；　a　society　which；　united　by　a　thousand　ties



of　mind　and　of　interests；　combines　itself　into　one　independent



whole；　which　recognises　the　law　of　right　for　and　within　itself；　and



in　its　united　character　is　still　opposed　to　other　societies　of　a



similar　kind　in　their　national　liberty；　and　consequently　can　only



under　the　existing　conditions　of　the　world　maintain　self…existence



and　independence　by　its　own　power　and　resources。　As　the　individual



chiefly　obtains　by　means　of　the　nation　and　in　the　nation　mental



culture；　power　of　production；　security；　and　prosperity；　so　is　the



civilisation　of　the　human　race　only　conceivable　and　possible　by



means　of　the　civilisation　and　development　of　the　individual



nations。



　　　　Meanwhile；　however；　an　infinite　difference　exists　in　the



condition　and　circumstances　of　the　various　nations：　we　observe



among　them　giants　and　dwarfs；　well…formed　bodies　and　cripples；



civilised；　half