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therefore　a　blessing　to　a　nation；　just　as　the　War　of　Independence



of　the　United　States　of　North　America；　in　spite　of　the　enormous



sacrifices　which　it　required；　has　become　a　blessing　to　all　future



generations。　But　a　peace　which　throws　back　into　a　purely



agricultural　condition　a　nation　which　is　fitted　to　develop　a



manufacturing　power　of　its　own；　becomes　a　curse　to　it；　and　is



incomparably　more　injurious　to　it　than　a　war。



　　　　It　is　fortunate　for　the　manufacturing　powers　of　the　second　and



third　rank；　that　England　after　the　restoration　of　the　general　peace



has　herself　imposed　a　limit　to　her　main　tendency　（of　monopolising



the　manufacturing　market　of　the　whole　earth）；　by　imposing



restrictions　on　the　importation　of　foreign　means　of　subsistence　and



raw　materials。　Certainly　the　English　agriculturists；　who　had



enjoyed　a　monopoly　of　supplying　the　English　market　with　products



during　the　war；　would　of　course　have　painfully　felt　the　foreign



competition；　but　that　only　at　first；　at　a　later　period　（as　we　will



show　more　particularly　elsewhere）；　these　losses　would　have　been



made　up　to　them　tenfold　by　the　fact　that　England　had　obtained　a



monopoly　of　manufacturing　for　the　whole　world。　But　it　would　have



been　still　more　injudicious　if　the　manufacturing　nations　of　the



second　and　third　rank；　after　their　own　manufacturing　power　had　just



been　called　into　existence；　in　consequence　of　wars　lasting　for



twenty…five　years；　and　after　（in　consequence　of　twenty…five　years'



exclusion　of　their　agricultural　products　from　the　English　market）



that　power　has　been　strengthened　so　far　that　possibly　it　only



required　another　ten　or　fifteen　years　of　strict　protection　in　order



to　sustain　successfully　free　competition　with　English　manufactures



　if　（we　say）　these　nations；　after　having　endured　the　sacrifices



of　half　a　century；　were　to　give　up　the　immense　advantages　of



possessing　a　manufacturing　power　of　their　own；　and　were　to　descend



once　more　from　the　high　state　of　culture；　prosperity；　and



independence；　which　is　peculiar　to　agricultural…manufacturing



countries；　to　the　low　position　of　dependent　agricultural　nations；



merely　because　it　now　pleases　the　English　nation　to　perceive　its



error　and　the　closely　impending　advances　of　the　Continental　nations



which　enter　into　competition　with　it。



　　　　Supposing　also　that　the　manufacturing　interest　of　England



should　obtain　sufficient　influence　to　force　the　House　of　Lords；



which　chiefly　consists　of　large　landed　proprietors；　and　the　House



of　Commons；　composed　mostly　of　country　squires；　to　make　concessions



in　respect　of　the　importation　of　agricultural　products；　who　would



guarantee　that　after　a　lapse　of　a　few　years　a　new　Tory　ministry



would　not　under　different　circumstances　again　pass　a　new　Corn　Law？



Who　can　guarantee　that　a　new　naval　war　or　a　new　Continental　system



may　not　separate　the　agriculturists　of　the　Continent　from　the



manufacturers　of　the　island　kingdom；　and　compel　the　Continental



nations　to　recommence　their　manufacturing　career；　and　to　spend



their　best　energies　in　overcoming　its　primary　difficulties；　merely



in　order；　at　a　later　period　to　sacrifice　everything　again　at　the



conclusion　of　peace。



　　　　In　this　manner　the　school　would　condemn　the　Continental　nations



for　ever　to　be　rolling　the　stone　of　Sisyphus；　for　ever　to　erect



manufactories　in　time　of　war　in　order　to　allow　them　to　fall　to　ruin



in　time　of　peace。



　　　　To　results　so　absurd　as　these　the　school　could　never　have



arrived　had　it　not　（in　spite　of　the　name　which　it　gives　to　the



science　which　it　professes）　completely　excluded　politics　from　that



science；　had　it　not　completely　ignored　the　very　existence　of



nationality；　and　left　entirely　out　of　consideration　the　effects　of



war　on　the　commercial　intercourse　between　separate　nations。



　　　　How　utterly　different　is　the　relation　of　the　agriculturist　to



the　manufacturer　if　both　live　in　one　and　the　same　country；　and　are



consequently　really　connected　with　one　another　by　perpetual　peace。



Under　those　circumstances；　every　extension　or　improvement　of　an



already　existing　manufactory　increases　the　demand　for　agricultural



products。　This　demand　is　no　uncertain　one；　it　is　not　dependent　on



foreign　commercial　regulations　or　foreign　commercial　fluctuations；



on　foreign　political　commotions　or　wars；　on　foreign　inventions　and



improvements；　or　on　foreign　harvests；　the　native　agriculturist　has



not　to　share　it　with　other　nations；　it　is　certain　to　him　every



year。　However　the　crops　of　other　nations　may　turn　out；　whatever



misunderstandings　may　spring　up　in　the　political　world；　he　can



depend　on　the　sale　of　his　own　produce；　and　on　obtaining　the



manufactured　goods　which　he　needs　at　suitable　and　regular　prices。



On　the　other　hand；　every　improvement　of　the　native　agriculture；



every　new　method　of　culture；　acts　as　a　stimulant　on　the　native



manufacture；　because　every　augmentation　of　native　agricultural



production　must　result　in　a　proportionate　augmentation　of　native



manufacturing　production。　Thus；　by　means　of　this　reciprocal　action；



progress　is　insured　for　all　time　to　both　these　main　sources　of　the



nation's　strength　and　support。



　　　　Political　power　not　merely　secures　to　the　nation　the　increase



of　its　prosperity　by　foreign　commerce　and　by　colonies　abroad；　it



also　secures　to　it　the　possession　of　internal　prosperity；　and



secures　to　it　its　own　existence；　which　is　far　more　important　to　it



than　mere　material　wealth。　England　has　obtained　political　power　by



means　of　her　navigation　laws；　and　by　means　of　political　power　she



has　been　placed　in　a　position　to　extend　her　manufacturing　power



over　other　nations。　Poland；　however；　was　struck　out　of　the　list　of



nations　because　she　did　not　possess　a　vigorous　middle　class；　which



could　only　have　been　called　into　existence　by　the　establishment　of



an　internal　manufacturing　power。



　　　　The　school　cannot　deny　that　the　internal　market　of　a　nation　is



ten　times　more　important　to　it　than　its　external　one；　even　where



the　latter　is　in　the　most　flourishing　condition；　but　it　has　omitted



to　draw　from　this　the　conclusion；　which　is　very　obvious；　that　it　is



ten　times　more　important　to　cultivate　and　secure　the　home　market；



than　to　seek　for　wealth　abroad；　and　that　only　in　those　nations



which　have　developed　their　internal　industry　to　a　high　degree　can



foreign　commerce　attain　importance。



　　　　The　school　has　formed　its　estimate　of　the　nature　and　character



of　the　market　only　from　a　cosmopolitical；　but　not　from　a　political



point　of　view。　Most　of　the　maritime　countries　of　the　European



continent　are　situated　in　the　natural　market　district　of　the



manufacturers　of　London；　Liverpool；　or　Manchester；　only　very　few　of



the　inland　manufacturers　of　other　nations　can；　under　free　trade；



maintain　in　their　own　seaports　the　same　prices　as　the　English



manufacturers。　The　possession　of　larger　capital；　a　larger　home



market　of　their　own；　which　enables　them　to　manufacture　on　a　larger



scale　and　consequently　more　cheaply；　greater　progress　in



manufacture　itself；　and　finally　cheaper　sea　transport；　give　at　the



present　time　to　the　English　manufacturers　advantages　over　the



manufacturers　of　other　countries；　which　can　only　be　gradually



diverted　to　the　native　industry　of　the　latter　by　means　of　long　and



continuous　protection　of　their　home　market；　and　through　perfection



of　their　inland　means　of　transport。　The　market　of　the　inhabitants



of　its　coasts　is；　however；　of　great　importance　to　every　nation；



both　with　reference　to　the　home　market；　and　to　foreign　commerce；



and　a　nation　the　market　of　whose　coasts　belongs　more　to　the



foreigner　than　to　itself；　is　a　divided　nation　not　merely　in



economical　respects；　but　also　in　political　ones。　Indeed；　there　can



be　no　more　injurious　position　for　a　nation；　whether　in　its



economical　or　political　aspect；　than　if　its　seaports　sympathise



more　with　the　foreigner　than　with　itself。



　　　　Science　must　not　deny　the　nature　of　special　national



circumstances；　nor　ignore　and　misrepresent　it；　in　order　to　promote



cosmopolitical　objects。　Those　objects　can　only　be　attained　by



paying　regard　to　nature；　and　by　trying　to　lead　the　Separate　nations



in　accordance　with　it　to　a　higher　aim。　We　may　see　what　small



success　has　hitherto　attended　the　doctrines　of　the　school　in



practice。　This　is　not　so　much　the　fault　of　practical　statesmen；　by



whom　the　character　of　the　national　circumstances　has　been



comprehended　tolerably　correctly；　as　the　fault　of　the　theories



themselves；　the　practice　of　which　（inasmuch　as　they　are　opposed　to



all　experience）　must　necessarily　err。　Have　those　theories　prevented



nations　（like　those　of　South　America）　from　introducing　the



protectionist　system；　which　is　contrary　to　the　requirements　of



their　national　circumstances？　Or　have　they　prevented　the　extension



of　protectionism　to　the　production　of　provisions　and　raw　materials；



which；　however；　needs　no　protection；　and　in　which　the　restriction



of　commercial　intercourse　must　be　disadvantageous　under　all



circumstances　to　both　nations　　to　that　which　imposes；　as　well　as



to　that　which　suffers　from　such　restrictions？　Has　this　theory



prevented　the　finer　manufactured　goods；　which　are　essentially



articles　of　luxury；　from　being　comprehended　among　objects　requiring



protection；　while　it　is　nevertheless　clear　that　these　can　be



exposed　to　competition　without　the　least　danger　to　the　prosperity



of　the　nation？　No；　the　theory　has　till　now　not　effected　any