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the increase of population; or Chalmers and Torrens maintain more
recently the strange idea that augmentation of capital and
unrestricted production are evils the restriction of which the
welfare of the community imperatively demands; or Sismondi declare
that manufactures are things injurious to the community。 Their
theory in this case resembles Saturn; who devours his own children
the same theory which allows that from the increase of
population; of capital and machinery division of labour takes
place; and explains from this the welfare of society; finally
considers these forces as monsters which threaten the prosperity of
nations; because it merely regards the present conditions of
individual nations; and does not take into consideration the
conditions of the whole globe and the future progress of mankind。
It is not true that population increases in a larger proportion
than production of the means of subsistence; it is at least foolish
to assume such disproportion; or to attempt to prove it by
artificial calculations or sophistical arguments; so long as on the
globe a mass of natural forces still lies inert by means of which
ten times or perhaps a hundred times more people than are now
living can be sustained。 It is mere narrow…mindedness to consider
the present extent of the productive forces as the test of how many
persons could be supported on a given area of land。 The savage; the
hunter; and the fisherman; according to his own calculation; would
not find room enough for one million persons; the shepherd not for
ten millions; the raw agriculturist not for one hundred millions on
the whole globe; and yet two hundred millions are living at present
in Europe alone。 The culture of the potato and of food…yielding
plants; and the more recent improvements made in agriculture
generally; have increased tenfold the productive powers of the
human race for the creation of the means of subsistence。 In the
Middle Ages the yield of wheat of an acre of land in England was
fourfold; to…day it is ten to twenty fold; and in addition to that
five times more land is cultivated。 In many European countries (the
soil of which possesses the same natural fertility as that of
England) the yield at present does not exceed fourfold。 Who will
venture to set further limits to the discoveries; inventions; and
improvements of the human race? Agricultural chemistry is still in
its infancy; who can tell that to…morrow; by means of a new
invention or discovery; the produce of the soil may not be
increased five or ten fold? We already possess; in the artesian
well; the means of converting unfertile wastes into rich corn
fields; and what unknown forces may not yet be hidden in the
interior of the earth? Let us merely suppose that through a new
discovery we were enabled to produce heat everywhere very cheaply
and without the aid of the fuels at present known: what spaces of
land could thus be utilised for cultivation; and in what an
incalculable degree w ould the yield of a given area of land be
increased? If Malthus' doctrine appears to us in its tendency
narrow…minded; it is also in the methods by which it could act an
unnatural one; which destroys morality and power; and is simply
horrible。 It seeks to destroy a desire which nature uses as the
most active means for inciting men to exert body and mind; and to
awaken and support their nobler feelings a desire to which
humanity for the greater part owes its progress。 It would elevate
the most heartless egotism to the position of a law; it requires us
to close our hearts against the starving man; because if we hand
him food and drink; another might starve in his place in thirty
years' time。 It substitutes cold calculation for sympathy。 This
doctrine tends to convert the hearts of men into stones。 But what
could be finally expected of a nation whose citizens should carry
stones instead of hearts in their bosoms? What else than the total
destruction of all morality; and with it of all productive forces;
and therefore of all the wealth; civilisation; and power of the
nation?
If in a nation the population increases more than the
production of the means of subsistence; if capital accumulates at
length to such an extent as no longer to find investment; if
machinery throws a number of operatives out of work and
manufactured goods accumulate to a large excess; this merely
proves; that nature will not allow industry; civilisation; wealth;
and power to fall exclusively to the lot of a single nation; or
that a large portion of the globe suitable for cultivation should
be merely inhabited by wild animals; and that the largest portion
of the human race should remain sunk in savagery; ignorance; and
poverty。
We have shown into what errors the school has fallen by judging
the productive forces of the human race from a political point of
view; we have now also to point out the mistakes which it has
committed by regarding the separate interests of nations from a
cosmopolitical point of view。
If a confederation of all nations existed in reality; as is the
case with the separate states constituting the Union of North
America; the excess of population; talents; skilled abilities; and
material capital would flow over from England to the Continental
states; in a similar manner to that in which it travels from the
eastern states of the American Union to the western; provided that
in the Continental states the same security for persons and
property; the same constitution and general laws prevailed; and
that the English Government was made subject to the united will of
the universal confederation。 Under these suppositions there would
be no better way of raising all these countries to the same stage
of wealth and cultivation as England than free trade。 This is the
argument of the school。 But how would it tally with the actual
operation of free trade under the existing conditions of the world?
The Britons as an independent and separate nation would
henceforth take their national interest as the sole guide of their
policy。 The Englishman; from predilection for his language; for his
laws; regulations; and habits; would whenever it was possible
devote his powers and his capital to develop his own native
industry; for which the system of free trade; by extending the
market for English manufactures over all countries; would offer him
sufficient opportunity; he would not readily take a fancy to
establish manufactures in France or Germany。 All excess of capital
in England would be at once devoted to trading with foreign parts
of the world。 If the Englishman took it into his head to emigrate;
or to invest his capital elsewhere than in England; he would as he
now does prefer those more distant countries where he would find
already existing his language; his laws; and regulations; rather
than the benighted countries of the Continent。 All England would
thus be developed into one immense manufacturing city。 Asia;
Africa; and Australia would be civilised by England; and covered
with new states modelled after the English fashion。 In time a world
of English states would be formed; under the presidency of the
mother state; in which the European Continental nations would be
lost as unimportant; unproductive races。 By this arrangement it
would fall to the lot of France; together with Spain and Portugal;
to supply this English world with the choicest wines; and to drink
the bad ones herself: at most France might retain the manufacture
of a little millinery。 Germany would scarcely have more to supply
this English world with than children's toys; wooden clocks; and
philological writings; and sometimes also an auxiliary corps; who
might sacrifice themselves to pine away in the deserts of Asia or
Africa; for the sake of extending the manufacturing and commercial
supremacy; the literature and language of England。 It would not
require many centuries before people in this English world would
think and speak of the Germans and French in the same tone as we
speak at present of the Asiatic nations。
True political science; however; regards such a result of
universal free trade as a very unnatural one; it will argue that
had universal free trade been introduced at the time of the
Hanseatic League; the German nationality instead of the English
would have secured an advance in commerce and manufacture over all
other countries。
It would be most unjust; even on cosmopolitical grounds; now to
resign to the English all the wealth and power of the earth; merely
because by them the political system of commerce was first
established and the cosmopolitical principle for the most part
ignored。 In order to allow freedom of trade to operate naturally;
the less advanced nations must first be raised by artificial
measures to that stage of cultivation to which the English nation
has been artificially elevated。 In order that; through that
cosmopolitical tendency of the powers of production to which we
have alluded; the more distant parts of the world may not be
benefited and enriched before the neighbouring European countries;
those nations which feel themselves to be capable; owing to their
moral; intellectual; social; and political circumstances; of
developing a manufacturing power of their own must adopt the system
of protection as the most effectual me