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we　calculate　the　value　of　the　landed　property　and　the　capital



expended　thereon；　and；　on　the　other　hand；　the　value　of　the　capital



employed　in　various　industries；　and　compare　their　total　amount；　we



shall　find　everywhere　that　the　former　is　at　least　ten　times　larger



than　the　latter。　But　it　would　be　folly　to　conclude　from　this　that



a　nation　obtains　greater　advantages　by　investing　its　material



capital　in　agriculture　than　in　manufactures；　and　that　the　former　is



in　itself　more　favourable　to　the　augmentation　of　capital　than　the



latter。　The　increase　of　the　material　agricultural　capital　depends



for　the　most　part　on　the　increase　of　the　material　manufacturing



capital；　and　nations　which　do　not　recognise　this　truth；　however



much　they　may　be　favoured　by　nature　in　agriculture；　will　not　only



not　progress；　but　will　retrograde　in　wealth；　population；　culture；



and　power。



　　　　We　see；　nevertheless；　how　the　proprietors　of　rent　and　of　landed



property　not　unfrequently　regard　those　fiscal　and　political



regulations　which　aim　at　the　establishment　of　a　native



manufacturing　power　as　privileges　which　serve　merely　to　enrich　the



manufacturers；　the　burden　of　which　they　（the　landed　interest）　have



exclusively　to　bear。　They；　who　at　the　beginning　of　their



agricultural　operations　so　clearly　perceived　what　great　advantages



they　might　obtain　if　a　corn　mill；　a　saw　mill；　or　an　iron　work　were



established　in　their　neighbourhood；　that　they　themselves　submitted



to　the　greatest　sacrifices　in　order　to　contribute　towards　the



erection　of　such　works；　can　no　longer；　when　their　interests　as



agriculturists　have　somewhat　improved；　comprehend　what　immense



advantages　the　total　agricultural　interest　of　the　country　would



derive　from　a　perfectly　developed　national　industry　of　its　own；　and



how　its　own　advantage　demands　that　it　should　submit　to　those



sacrifices　without　which　this　object　cannot　be　attained。　It



therefore　happens；　that；　only　in　a　few　and　only　in　very



well…educated　nations；　the　mind　of　each　separate　landed　proprietor；



though　it　is　generally　keenly　enough　alive　to　those　interests　which



lie　close　at　hand；　is　sagacious　enough　to　appreciate　those　greater



ones　which　are　manifest　to　a　more　extended　view。



　　　　It　must　not；　moreover；　be　forgotten　that　the　popular　theory　has



materially　contributed　to　confuse　the　opinions　of　landed



proprietors。　Smith　and　Say　endeavoured　everywhere　to　represent　the



exertions　of　manufacturers　to　obtain　measures　of　protection　as



inspirations　of　mere　self…interest；　and　to　praise；　on　the　contrary；



the　generosity　and　disinterestedness　of　the　landed　proprietors；　who



are　far　from　claiming　any　such　measures　for　themselves。　It　appears；



however；　that　the　landed　proprietors　have　merely　become　mindful　of



and　been　stimulated　to　the　virtue　of　disinterestedness；　which　is　so



highly　attributed　to　them；　in　order　to　rid　themselves　of　it。　For　in



the　greatest　number　of；　and　in　the　most　important；　manufacturing



states；　these　landowners　have　also　recently　demanded　and　obtained



measures　of　protection；　although　（as　we　have　shown　in　another



place）　it　is　to　their　own　greatest　injury。　If　the　landed



proprietors　formerly　made　sacrifices　to　establish　a　national



manufacturing　power　of　their　own；　they　did　what　the　agriculturist



in　a　country　place　does　when　he　makes　sacrifices　in　order　that　a



corn　mill　or　an　iron　forge　may　be　established　in　his　vicinity。　If



the　landed　proprietors　now　require　protection　also　for　their



agriculture；　they　do　what　those　former　landed　proprietors　would



have　done　if；　after　the　mill　has　been　erected　by　their　aid；　they



required　the　miller　to　help　in　cultivating　their　fields。　Without



doubt　that　would　be　a　foolish　demand。　Agriculture　can　only



progress；　the　rent　and　value　of　land　can　only　increase；　in　the



ratio　in　which　manufactures　and　commerce　flourish；　and　manufactures



cannot　flourish　if　the　importation　of　raw　materials　and　provisions



is　restricted。　This　the　manufacturers　everywhere　felt。　For　the



fact；　however；　that　the　landed　proprietors　notwithstanding　obtained



measures　of　protection　in　most　large　states；　there　is　a　double



reason。　Firstly；　in　states　having　representative　government；　the



landowner's　influence　is　paramount　in　legislation；　and　the



manufacturers　did　not　venture　to　oppose　themselves　perseveringly　to



the　foolish　demand　of　the　landowners；　fearing　lest　they　might



thereby　incline　the　latter　to　favour　the　principles　of　free　trade；



they　preferred　to　agree　with　the　landed　proprietors。



　　　　It　was　then　insinuated　by　the　school　to　the　landed　proprietors



that　it　is　just　as　foolish　to　establish　manufactures　by　artificial



means　as　it　would　be　to　produce　wine　in　cold　climates　in



greenhouses；　that　manufactures　would　originate　in　the　natural



course　of　things　of　their　own　accord；　that　agriculture　affords



incomparably　more　opportunity　for　the　increase　of　capital　than



manufactures；　that　the　capital　of　the　nation　is　not　to　be　augmented



by　artificial　measures；　that　laws　and　State　regulations　can　only



induce　a　condition　of　things　less　favourable　to　the　augmentation　of



wealth。　Finally；　where　the　admission　could　not　be　avoided　that



manufactures　had　an　influence　over　agriculture；　it　was　sought　at



least　to　represent　that　influence　to　be　as　little　and　as　uncertain



as　possible。　In　any　case　（it　was　said）　if　manufactures　had　an



influence　over　agriculture；　at　least　everything　is　injurious　to



agriculture　that　is　injurious　to　manufactures；　and　accordingly



manufactures　also　had　an　influence　on　the　increase　of　the　rent　of



land；　but　merely　an　indirect　one。　But；　on　the　other　hand；　the



increase　of　population　and　of　cattle；　the　improvements　in



agriculture；　the　perfection　of　the　means　of　transport；　&c。　had　a



direct　influence　on　the　increase　of　rent。　The　case　is　the　same　here



in　reference　to　this　distinction　between　direct　and　indirect



influence　as　on　many　other　points　where　the　school　draws　this



distinction　（e。g。　in　respect　of　the　results　of　mental　culture）；　and



here　also　is　the　example　already　mentioned　by　us　applicable；　it　is



like　the　fruit　of　the　tree；　which　clearly　（in　the　sense　of　the



school）　is　an　indirect　result；　inasmuch　as　it　grows　on　the　twig；



which　again　is　a　fruit　of　the　branch；　this　again　is　a　fruit　of　the



trunk；　and　the　latter　a　fruit　of　the　root；　which　alone　is　a　direct



product　of　the　soil。　Or　would　it　not　be　just　as　sophistical　to



speak　of　the　population；　the　stock　of　cattle；　the　means　of



transport；　&c。　as　direct　causes；　but　of　manufactures；　on　the



contrary；　as　an　indirect　cause　of　the　augmentation　of　rents；　while；



nevertheless；　one's　very　eyesight　teaches　one　in　every　large



manufacturing　country　that　manufactures　themselves　are　a　chief



cause　of　the　augmentation　of　population；　of　the　stock　of　cattle；



and　of　means　of　transport；　&c。？　And　would　it　be　logical　and　just　to



co…ordinate　these　effects　of　manufactures　with　their　cause　　in



fact；　to　put　these　results　of　manufactures　at　the　head　as　main



causes；　and　to　put　the　manufactures　themselves　as　an　indirect



（consequently；　almost　as　a　secondary）　cause　behind　the　former？　And



what　else　can　have　induced　so　deeply　investigating　a　genius　as　Adam



Smith　to　make　use　of　an　argument　so　perverted　and　so　little　in



accordance　with　the　actual　nature　of　things；　than　a　desire　to　put



especially　into　the　shade　manufactures；　and　their　influence　on　the



prosperity　and　the　power　of　the　nation；　and　on　the　augmentation　of



the　rent　and　the　value　of　the　land？　And　from　what　other　motive　can



this　have　taken　place　than　a　wish　to　avoid　explanations　whose



results　would　speak　too　loudly　in　favour　of　the　system　of



protection？　The　school　has　been　especially　unfortunate　since　the



time　of　Adam　Smith　in　its　investigations　as　to　the　nature　of　rent。



Ricardo；　and　after　him　Mill；　M'Culloch；　and　others；　are　of　opinion



that　rent　is　paid　on　account　of　the　natural　productive　fertility



inherent　in　the　land　itself。　Ricardo　has　based　a　whole　system　on



this　notion。　If　he　had　made　an　excursion　to　Canada；　he　would　have



been　able　to　make　observations　there　in　every　valley；　on　every



hill；　which　would　have　convinced　him　that　his　theory　is　based　on



sand。　As　he；　however；　only　took　into　account　the　circumstances　of



England；　he　fell　into　the　erroneous　idea　that　these　English　fields



and　meadows　for　whose　pretended　natural　productive　capability　such



handsome　rents　are　now　paid；　have　at　all　times　been　the　same　fields



and　meadows。　The　original　natural　productive　capability　of　land　is



evidently　so　unimportant；　and　affords　to　the　person　using　it　so



small　an　excess　of　products；　that　the　rent　derivable　from　it　alone



is　not　worth　mentioning。　All　Canada　in　its　original　state



（inhabited　merely　by　hunters）　would　yield　in　meat　and　skins



scarcely　enough　income　to　pay　the　salary　of　a　single　Oxonian



professor　of　political　economy。　The　natural　productive　capability



of　the　soil　in　Malta　consists　of　rocks；　which　would　scarcely　have



yielded　a　rent　at　any　time。　If　we　follow　up　with　the　mind's　eye　the



course　of　the　civilisation　of　whole　nations；　and　of　their



conversion　from　the　condition　of　hunters　to　the　pastoral　condition；



and　from　this　to　that　of　agriculturists；　&c。；　we　may　easily



convince　ourselves　that　the　rent　everywhere　was　originally　nil；　and



that　it　rose　everywhere　with　the　progress　of　civilisation；　of



population；　and　with　the　increase　of　mental　and　material　capital。



By　comparing　the　mere　agricultural　nation　with　th