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ought　to　buy　its　goods　like　individual　merchants；　at　places　where



they　are　to　be　had　the　cheapest　　that　we　act　foolishly　if　we



manufacture　anything　at　all　which　can　be　got　cheaper　from　abroad　



that　we　ought　to　place　the　industry　of　the　nation　at　the　mercy　of



the　self…interest　of　individuals　　that　protective　duties



constitute　monopolies；　which　are　granted　to　the　individual　home



manufacturers　at　the　expense　of　the　nation？　It　is　true　that



protective　duties　at　first　increase　the　price　of　manufactured



goods；　but　it　is　just　as　true；　and　moreover　acknowledged　by　the



prevailing　economical　school；　that　in　the　course　of　time；　by　the



nation　being　enabled　to　build　up　a　completely　developed



manufacturing　power　of　its　own；　those　goods　are　produced　more



cheaply　at　home　than　the　price　at　which　they　can　be　imported　from



foreign　parts。　If；　therefore；　a　sacrifice　of　value　is　caused　by



protective　duties；　it　is　made　good　by　the　gain　of　a　power　of



production；　which　not　only　secures　to　the　nation　an　infinitely



greater　amount　of　material　goods；　but　also　industrial　independence



in　case　of　war。　Through　industrial　independence　and　the　internal



prosperity　derived　from　it　the　nation　obtains　the　means　for



successfully　carrying　on　foreign　trade　and　for　extending　its



mercantile　marine；　it　increases　its　civilisation；　perfects　its



institutions　internally；　and　strengthens　its　external　power。　A



nation　capable　of　developing　a　manufacturing　power；　if　it　makes　use



of　the　system　of　protection；　thus　acts　quite　in　the　same　spirit　as



that　landed　proprietor　did　who　by　the　sacrifice　of　some　material



wealth　allowed　some　of　his　children　to　learn　a　productive　trade。



　　　　Into　what　mistakes　the　prevailing　economical　school　has　fallen



by　judging　conditions　according　to　the　mere　theory　of　values　which



ought　properly　to　be　judged　according　to　the　theory　of　powers　of



production；　may　be　seen　very　clearly　by　the　judgment　which　J。　B。



Say　passes　upon　the　bounties　which　foreign　countries　sometimes



offer　in　order　to　facilitate　exportation；　he　maintains　that　'these



are　presents　made　to　our　nation。'　Now　if　we　suppose　that　France



considers　a　protective　duty　of　twenty…five　per　cent　sufficient　for



her　not　vet　perfectly　developed　manufactures；　while　England　were　to



grant　a　bounty　on　exportation　of　thirty　per　cent；　what　would　be　the



consequence　of　the　'present'　which　in　this　manner　the　English　would



make　to　the　French？　The　French　consumers　would　obtain　for　a　few



years　the　manufactured　articles　which　they　needed　much　cheaper　than



hitherto；　but　the　French　manufactories　would　be　ruined；　and



millions　of　men　be　reduced　to　beggary　or　obliged　to　emigrate；　or　to



devote　themselves　to　agriculture　for　employment。　Under　the　most



favourable　circumstances；　the　present　consumers　and　customers　of



the　French　agriculturists　would　be　converted　into　competitors　with



the　latter；　agricultural　production　would　be　increased；　and　the



consumption　lowered。　The　necessary　consequence　would　be　diminution



in　value　of　the　products；　decline　in　the　value　of　property；



national　poverty　and　national　weakness　in　France。　The　English



'present'　in　mere　value　would　be　dearly　paid　for　in　loss　of　power；



it　would　seem　like　the　present　which　the　Sultan　is　wont　to　make　to



his　pashas　by　sending　them　valuable　silken　cords。



　　　　Since　the　time　when　the　Trojans　were　'presented'　by　the　Greeks



with　a　wooden　horse；　the　acceptance　of　'presents'　from　other



nations　has　become　for　the　nation　which　receives　them　a　very



questionable　transaction。　The　English　have　given　the　Continent



presents　of　immense　value　in　the　form　of　subsidies；　but　the



Continental　nations　have　paid　for　them　dearly　by　the　loss　of　power。



These　subsidies　acted　like　a　bounty　on　exportation　in　favour　of　the



English；　and　were　detrimental　to　the　German　manufactories。　If



England　bound　herself　to…day　to　supply　the　Germans　gratuitously　for



years　with　all　they　required　in　manufactured　articles；　we　could　not



recommend　them　to　accept　such　an　offer。　If　the　English　are　enabled



through　new　inventions　to　produce　linen　forty　per　cent。　cheaper



than　the　Germans　can　by　using　the　old　process；　and　if　in　the　use　of



their　new　process　they　merely　obtain　a　start　of　a　few　years　over



the　Germans；　in　such　a　case；　were　it　not　for　protective　duties；　one



of　the　most　important　and　oldest　branches　of　Germany's　industry



will　be　ruined。　It　will　be　as　if　a　limb　of　the　body　of　the　German



nation　had　been　lost。　And　who　would　be　consoled　for　the　loss　of　an



arm　by　knowing　that　he　had　nevertheless　bought　his　shirts　forty　per



cent　cheaper？



　　　　If　the　English　very　often　find　occasion　to　offer　presents　to



foreign　nations；　very　different　are　the　forms　in　which　this　is



done；　it　is　not　unfrequently　done　against　their　will；　always　does



it　behove　foreign　nations　well　to　consider　whether　or　not　the



present　should　be　accepted。　Through　their　position　as　the



manufacturing　and　commercial　monopolists　of　the　world；　their



manufactories　from　time　to　time　fall　into　the　state　which　they　call



'glut；'　and　which　arises　from　what　they　call　'overtrading。'　At　such



periods　everybody　throws　his　stock　of　goods　into　the　steamers。



After　the　elapse　of　eight　days　the　goods　are　offered　for　sale　in



Hamburg；　Berlin；　or　Frankfort；　and　after　three　weeks　in　New　York；



at　fifty　per　cent　under　their　real　value。　The　English　manufacturers



suffer　for　the　moment；　but　they　are　saved；　and　they　compensate



themselves　later　on　by　better　prices。　The　German　and　American



manufacturers　receive　the　blows　which　were　deserved　by　the　English



　they　are　ruined。　The　English　nation　merely　sees　the　fire　and



hears　the　report　of　the　explosion；　the　fragments　fall　down　in　other



countries；　and　if　their　inhabitants　complain　of　bloody　heads；　the



intermediate　merchants　and　dealers　say；　'The　crisis　has　done　it



all！'　If　we　consider　how　often　by　such　crises　the　whole



manufacturing　power；　the　system　of　credit；　nay　the　agriculture；　and



generally　the　whole　economical　system　of　the　nations　who　are　placed



in　free　competition　with　England；　are　shaken　to　their　foundations；



and　that　these　nations　have　afterwards　notwithstanding　richly　to



recompense　the　English　manufacturers　by　higher　prices；　ought　we　not



then　to　become　very　sceptical　as　to　the　propriety；　of　the



commercial　conditions　of　nations　being　regulated　according　to　the



mere　theory　of　values　and　according　to　cosmopolitical　principles？



The　prevailing　economical　school　has　never　deemed　it　expedient　to



elucidate　the　causes　and　effects　of　such　commercial　crises。



　　　　The　great　statesmen　of　all　modern　nations；　almost　without



exception；　have　comprehended　the　great　influence　of　manufactures



and　manufactories　on　the　wealth；　civilisation；　and　power　of



nations；　and　the　necessity　of　protecting　them。　Edward　III



comprehended　this　like　Elizabeth；　Frederick　the　Great　like　Joseph



II；　Washington　like　Napoleon。　Without　entering　into　the　depths　of



the　industry　theory；　their　foreseeing　minds　comprehended　the　nature



of　in　its　entirety；　and　appreciated　it　correctly。　It　was　reserved



for　the　school　of　physiocrats　to　regard　this　nature　from　another



point　of　view　in　consequence　of　a　sophistical　line　of　reasoning。



Their　castle　in　the　air　has　disappeared；　the　more　modern　economical



school　itself　has　destroyed　it；　but　even　the　latter　has　also　not



disentangled　itself　from　the　original　errors；　but　has　merely



advanced　somewhat　farther　from　them。　Since　it　did　not　recognise　the



difference　between　productive　power　and　mere　values　of　exchange；



and　did　not　investigate　the　former　independently　of　the　latter；　but



subordinated　it　to　the　theory　of　values　of　exchange；　it　was



impossible　for　that　school　to　arrive　at　the　perception　how　greatly



the　nature　of　the　agricultural　productive　power　differs　from　the



nature　of　the　manufacturing　productive　power。　It　does　not　discern



that　through　the　development　of　a　manufacturing　industry　in　an



agricultural　nation　a　mass　of　mental　and　bodily　powers；　of　natural



powers　and　natural　resources；　and　of　instrumental　powers　too　（which



latter　the　prevailing　school　terms　'capital'）；　is　brought　to　bear；



and　brought　into　use；　which　had　not　previously　been　active；　and



would　never　have　come　into　activity　but　for　the　formation　and



development　of　an　internal　manufacturing　power；　it　imagines　that　by



the　establishment　of　manufacturing　industry　these　forces　must　be



taken　away　from　agriculture；　and　transferred　to　manufacture；



whereas　the　latter　to　a　great　extent　is　a　perfectly　new　and



additional　power；　which；　very　far　indeed　from　increasing　at　the



expense　of　the　agricultural　interest；　is　often　the　means　of　helping



that　interest　to　attain　a　higher　degree　of　prosperity　and



development。







NOTES：











1。　This　is　true　respecting　Spain　up　to　the　period　of　her　invasion



by　Napoleon；　but　not　subsequently。　Our　author's　conclusions　are；



however；　scarcely　invalidated　by　that　exception。　　TR。







2。　Say　states　in　his　Economie　Politique　Pratique；　vol。　iii。　p。　242；



'Les　lois　ne　peuvent　pas　cr閑r　des　richesses。'　Certainly　they



cannot　do　this；　but　they　create　productive　power；　which　is　more



important　than　riches；　i。e。　than　possession　of　values　of　exchange。







3。　Wealth　of　Nations；　Book　IV。　chap。　ii。







4。　From　the　great　number　of　passages　wherein　J。　B。　Say　explains



this　view；　we　merely　quote　the　newest　　from　the　sixth　volume　of



Economie　Politique　Pratique；　p。　307：　'Le