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eau de Cologne; and other trifles; is promised。 That gives
satisfaction to the small German states; and also does not cost
much。
The next attempt will be to convince the German governments; by
means of this report; how advantageous to them it would be to let
England spin cotton and linen yarns for them。 It cannot be doubted
that hitherto the policy adopted by the Union; first of all to
encourage and protect the printing of cloths and then weaving; and
to import the medium and finer yarns; has been the right one。 But
from that it in nowise follows that it would continue to be the
right one for all time。 The tariff legislation must advance as the
national industry advances if it is rightly to fulfil its purpose。
We have already shown that the spinning factories; quite apart from
their importance in themselves; yet are the source of further
incalculable benefits; inasmuch as they place us in direct
commercial communication with the countries of warm climate; and
hence that they exercise an incalculable influence on our
navigation and on our export of manufactures; and that they benefit
our manufactories of machinery more than any other branch of
manufacture。 Inasmuch as it cannot be doubted that Germany cannot
be hindered either by want of water power and of capable workmen;
or by lack of material capital or intelligence; from carrying on
for herself this great and fruitful industry; so we cannot see why
we should not gradually protect the spinning of yarns from one
number to another; in such a way that in the course of five to ten
years we may be able to spin for ourselves the greater part of what
we require。 However highly one may estimate the advantages of the
export of grain and timber; they cannot nearly equal the benefits
which must accrue to us from the spinning manufacture。 Indeed; we
have no hesitation in expressing the belief that it could be
incontestably proved; by a calculation of the consumption of
agricultural products and timber which would be created by the
spinning industry; that from this branch of manufacture alone far
greater benefits must accrue to the German landowners than the
foreign market will ever or can ever offer them。
Dr Bowring doubts that Hanover; Brunswick; the two
Mecklenburgs; Oldenburg; and the Hanse Towns will join the Union;
unless the latter is willing to make a radical reduction in its
import duties。 The latter proposal; however; cannot be seriously
considered; because it would be immeasurably worse than the evil
which by it; it is desired to remedy。
Our confidence in the prosperity of the future of Germany is;
however; by no means so weak as that of the author of the report。
Just as the Revolution of July has proved beneficial to the German
Commercial Union; so must the next great general convulsion make an
end of all the minor hesitations by which these small states have
hitherto been withheld from yielding to the greater requirements of
the German nationality。 Of what value the commercial unity has been
to the nationality; and of what value it is to German governments;
quite apart from mere material interests; has been recently for the
first time very strongly demonstrated; when the desire to acquire
the Rhine frontier has been loudly expressed in France。
From day to day it is necessary that the governments and
peoples of Germany should be more convinced that national unity is
the rock on which the edifice of their welfare; their honour; their
power; their present security and existence; and their future
greatness; must be founded。 Thus from day to day the apostasy of
these small maritime states will appear more and more; not only to
the states in the Union; but to these small states themselves; in
the light of a national scandal which must be got rid of at any
price。 Also; if the matter is intelligently considered; the
material advantages of joining the Union are much greater for those
states themselves than the sacrifice which it requires。 The more
that manufacturing industry; that the internal means of transport;
the navigation; and the foreign trade of Germany; develop
themselves; in that degree in which under a wise commercial policy
they can and must be developed in accordance with the resources of
the nation; so much the more will the desire become more vigorous
on the part of those small states directly to participate in these
advantages; and so much the more will they leave off the bad habit
of looking to foreign countries for blessings and prosperity。
In reference to the Hanse Towns especially; the spirit of
imperial citizenship of the sovereign parish of Hamburg in no way
deters us from our hopes。 In those cities; according to the
testimony of the author of the report himself; dwell a great number
of men who comprehend that Hamburg; Bremen; and Lubeck are and must
be to the German nation that which London and Liverpool are to the
English; that which New York; Boston; and Philadelphia are to the
Americans men who clearly see that the Commercial Union can
offer advantages to their commerce with the world which far exceed
the disadvantages of subjection to the regulations of the Union;
and that a prosperity without any guarantee for its continuance is
fundamentally a delusion。
What sensible inhabitant of those seaports could heartily
congratulate himself on the continual increase of their tonnage; on
the continual extension of their commercial relations; if he
reflected that two frigates; which coming from Heligoland could be
stationed at the mouths of the Weser and the Elbe; would be in a
position to destroy in twenty…four hours this work of a quarter of
a century? But the Union will guarantee to these seaports their
prosperity and their progress for all future time; partly by the
creation of a fleet of its own and partly by alliances。 It will
foster their fisheries; secure special advantages to their
shipping; protect and promote their foreign commercial relations;
by effective consular establishments and by treaties。 Partly by
their means it will found new colonies; and by their means carry on
its own colonial trade。 For a union of States comprising
thirty…five millions of inhabitants (for the Union will comprise
that number at least when it is fully completed); which owing to an
annual increase of population of one and a half per cent can easily
spare annually two or three hundred thousand persons; whose
provinces abound with well…informed and cultivated inhabitants who
have a peculiar propensity to seek their fortune in distant
countries; people who can take root anywhere and make themselves at
home wherever unoccupied land is to be cultivated; are called upon
by Nature herself to place themselves in the first rank of nations
who colonise and diffuse civilisation。
The feeling of the necessity for such a perfect completion of
the Commercial Union is so universally entertained in Germany; that
hence the author of the report could not help remarking; 'More
coasts; more harbours; more navigation; a Union flag; the
possession of a navy and of a mercantile marine; are wishes very
generally entertained by the supporters of the Commercial Union;
but there is little prospect at present of the Union making head
against the increasing fleet of Russia and the commercial marine of
Holland and the Hanse Towns。' Against them certainly not; but so
much the more with them and by means of them。 It lies in the very
nature of every power to seek to divide in order to rule。 After the
author of the report has shown why it would be foolish on the part
of the maritime states to join the Union; he desires also to
separate the great seaports from the German national body for all
time; inasmuch as he speaks to us of the warehouses of Altona which
must become dangerous to the warehouses of Hamburg; as though such
a great commercial empire could not find the means of making the
warehouses of Altona serviceable to its objects。 We will not follow
the author through his acute inferences from this point; we will
only say; that if they were applied to England; they would prove
that London and Liverpool would increase their commercial
prosperity in an extraordinary degree if they were separated from
the body of the English nation。 The spirit which underlies these
arguments is unmistakably expressed in the report of the English
consul at Rotterdam。 'For the commercial interests of Great
Britain;' says Mr Alexander Ferrier at the end of his report; 'it
appears of the greatest possible importance that no means should be
left untried to prevent the aforesaid states; and also Belgium;
from entering the Zollverein; for reasons which are too clear to
need any exposition。' Who could possibly blame Mr Ferrier for
speaking thus; or Dr Bowring for speaking thus; or the English
ministers for acting as the others speak? The national instinct of
England speaks and acts through them。 But to expect prosperity and
blessing to Germany from proposals which proceed from such a source
as that; would appear to exceed even a decent degree of national
good nature。 'Whatever may happen;' adds Mr Ferrier to the words
above quoted; 'Holland must at all times be considered as the main
channel for the commercial relations of South Germany with other
countries。' Clearly Mr Ferrier understands by the term 'other
count