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are　requisite　to　raise　a　national　industry　to　that　stage　to　which



the　German　industry　has　already　attained；　who　cannot　in　spirit



foresee　the　greatness　of　its　future；　who　could　so　grievously



disappoint　the　confidence　which　the　German　industrial　classes　have



reposed　in　their　Governments；　and　so　deeply　wound　the　spirit　of



enterprise　in　the　nation；　who　was　incapable　of　distinguishing



between　the　lofty　position　which　is　occupied　by　a　manufacturing



nation　of　the　first　rank；　and　the　inferior　position　of　a　country



which　merely　exports　corn　and　timber；　who　is　not　intelligent　enough



to　estimate　how　precarious　a　foreign　market　for　grain　and　timber　is



even　in　ordinary　times；　how　easily　concessions　of　this　kind　can　be



again　revoked；　and　what　convulsions　are　involved　in　an　interruption



of　such　a　trade；　occasioned　by　wars　or　hostile　commercial



regulations；　who；　finally；　has　not　learned　from　the　example　of



other　great　states　how　greatly　the　existence；　the　independence；　and



the　power　of　the　nation　depends　on　its　possession　of　a



manufacturing　power　of　its　own；　developed　in　all　its　branches。



　　　　Truly　one　must　greatly　under…estimate　the　spirit　of　nationality



and　of　unity　which　has　arisen　in　Germany　since　1830；　if　one



believed；　as　the　author　of　the　report　does　（p。　26）；　that　the　policy



of　the　Commercial　Union　will　follow　the　separate　interests　of



Prussia；　because　two…thirds　of　the　population　of　the　Union　are



Prussian。　But　Prussia's　interests　demand　the　export　of　grain　and



timber　to　England；　the　amount　of　her　capital　devoted　to



manufactures　is　unimportant；　Prussia　will　therefore　oppose　every



system　which　impedes　the　import　of　foreign　manufactures；　and　all



the　heads　of　departments　in　Prussia　are　of　that　opinion。



Nevertheless　the　author　of　the　report　says　at　the　beginning　of　his



report：　'The　German　Customs　Union　is　an　incarnation　of　the　idea　of



national　unity　which　widely　pervades　this　country。　If　this　Union　is



well　led；　it　must　bring　about　the　fusion　of　all　German　interests　in



one　common　league。　The　experience　of　its　benefits　has　made　it



popular。　It　is　the　first　step　towards　the　nationalisation　of　the



German　people。　By　means　of　the　common　interest　in　commercial



questions；　it　has　paved　the　way　for　political　nationality；　and　in



place　of　narrow…minded　views；　prejudices；　and　customs；　it　has　laid



down　a　broader　and　stronger　element　of　German　national　existence。'



Now；　how　does　the　opinion　agree　with　these　perfectly　true　prefatory



observations；　that　Prussia　will　sacrifice　the　independence　and　the



future　greatness　of　the　nation　to　a　narrow　regard　to　her　own



supposed　（but　in　any　case　only　momentary）　private　interest　　that



Prussia　will　not　comprehend　that　Germany　must　either　rise　or　fall



with　her　national　commercial　policy；　as　Prussia　herself　must　rise



or　fall　with　Germany？　How　does　the　assertion　that　the　Prussian



heads　of　departments　are　opposed　to　the　protective　system；　agree



with　the　fact　that　the　high　duties　on　ordinary　woollen　and　cotton



fabrics　emanated　from　Prussia　herself？　And　must　we　not　be　compelled



to　conjecture　from　these　contradictions；　and　from　the　fact　that　the



author　of　the　report　paints　in　such　glowing　colours　the　condition



and　the　progress　of　the　industry　of　Saxony；　that　he　himself　is



desirous　of　exciting　the　private　jealousy　of　Prussia？



　　　　Be　that　as　it　may；　it　is　very　strange　that　Dr　Bowring　attaches



such　great　importance　to　the　private　statements　of　heads　of



departments；　he　an　English　author　who　ought　to　be　well　aware　of　the



power　of　public　opinion　　who　ought　to　know　that　in　our　days　the



private　views　of　heads　of　departments　even　in　unconstitutional



states　count　for　very　little　if　they　are　opposed　to　public　opinion；



and　especially　to　the　material　interests　of　the　whole　nation；　and



if　they　favour　retrograde　steps　which　endanger　the　whole



nationality。　The　author　of　the　report　also　feels　this　well　enough



himself；　when　he　states　at　page　98　that　the　Prussian　Government　has



sufficiently　experienced；　as　the　English　Government　has　done　in



connection　with　the　abolition　of　the　English　corn　laws；　that　the



views　of　public　officials　cannot　everywhere　be　carried　into　effect；



that　hence　it　might　be　necessary　to　consider　whether　German　grain



and　timber　should　not　be　admitted　to　the　English　markets　even



without　previous　concessions　on　the　part　of　the　German　Union；



because　by　that　very　means　the　way　might　be　paved　for　the　admission



of　the　English　manufactured　goods　into　the　German　market。　This　view



is　in　any　case　a　correct　one。　Dr　Bowring　sees　clearly　that　the



German　industry　would　never　have　been　strengthened　but　for　those



laws；　that　consequently　the　abolition　of　the　corn　laws　would　not



only　check　the　further　advances　of　German　industry；　but　must　cause



it　again　to　retrograde　greatly；　provided　always　that　in　that　case



the　German　customs　legislation　remains　unchanged。　It　is　only　a　pity



that　the　British　did　not　perceive　the　soundness　of　this　argument



twenty　years　ago；　but　now；　after　that　the　legislation　of　England



has　itself　undertaken　the　divorce　of　German　agriculture　from



English　manufactures；　after　that　Germany　has　pursued　the　path　of



perfecting　her　industry　for　twenty　years；　and　has　made　enormous



sacrifices　for　this　object；　it　would　betoken　political　blindness　if



Germany　were　now；　owing　to　the　abolition　of　the　English　corn　laws；



to　abstain　in　any　degree　from　pursuing　her　great　national　career。



Indeed；　we　are　firmly　convinced　that　in　such　a　case　it　would　be



necessary　for　Germany　to　increase　her　protective　duties　in　the　same



proportion　in　which　the　English　manufactories　would　derive



advantage　from　the　abolition　of　the　corn　laws　as　compared　with



those　of　Germany。　Germany　can　for　a　long　time　follow　no　other



policy　in　respect　to　England　than　that　of　a　less　advanced



manufacturing　nation　which　is　striving　with　all　her　power　to　raise



herself　to　an　equal　position　with　the　most　advanced　manufacturing



nation。　Every　other　policy　or　measure　than　that；　involves　the



imperilling　of　the　German　nationality。　If　the　English　are　in　want



of　foreign　corn　or　timber；　then　they　may　get　it　in　Germany　or　where



else　they　please。　Germany　will　not　on　that　account　any　the　less



protect　the　advances　in　industry　which　she　has　made　up　to　this



time；　or　strive　any　the　less　to　make　future　advances。　If　the



British　will　have　nothing　to　do　with　German　grain　and　timber；　so



much　the　better。　In　that　case　the　industry；　the　navigation；　the



foreign　trade　of　Germany　will　raise　their　heads　so　much　the



quicker；　the　German　internal　means　of　transport　will　be　so　much　the



sooner　completed；　the　German　nationality　will　so　much　the　more



certainly　rest　on　its　natural　foundation。　Perhaps　Prussia　may　not



in　this　way　so　soon　be　able　to　sell　the　corn　and　timber　of　her



Baltic　provinces　at　high　prices　as　if　the　English　markets　were



suddenly　opened　to　her。　But　through　the　completion　of　the　internal



means　of　transport；　and　through　the　internal　demand　for



agricultural　produce　created　by　the　manufactories；　the　sales　of



those　provinces　to　the　interior　of　Germany　will　increase　fast



enough；　and　every　benefit　to　these　provinces　which　is　founded　on



the　home　demand　for　agricultural　produce　will　be　gained　by　them　for



all　future　time。　They　will　never　more　have　to　oscillate　as



heretofore　between　calamity　and　prosperity　from　one　decade　to



another。　But　further；　as　a　political　power　Prussia　will　gain　a



hundred…fold　more　in　concentrated　strength　in　the　interior　of



Germany　by　this　policy　than　the　material　values　which　she



sacrifices　for　the　moment　in　her　maritime　provinces；　or　rather



invests　for　repayment　in　the　future。



　　　　The　object　of　the　English　ministry　in　this　report　is　clearly　to



obtain　the　admission　into　Germany　of　ordinary　English　woollen　and



cotton　fabrics；　partly　through　the　abolition　or　at　least



modification　of　charging　duties　by　weight；　partly　through　the



lowering　of　the　tariff；　and　partly　by　the　admission　of　the　German



grain　and　timber　into　the　English　market。　By　these　means　the　first



breach　can　be　made　in　the　German　protective　system。　These　articles



of　ordinary　use　（as　we　have　already　shown　in　a　former　chapter）　are



by　far　the　most　important；　they　are　the　fundamental　element　of　the



national　industry。　Duties　of　ten　per　cent　ad　valorem；　which　are



clearly　aimed　at　by　England；　would；　with　the　assistance　of　the



usual　tricks　of　under　declaration　of　value；　sacrifice　the　greater



part　of　the　German　industry　to　English　competition；　especially　if



in　consequence　of　commercial　crises　the　English　manufacturers　were



sometimes　induced　to　throw　on　the　market　their　stocks　of　goods　at



any　price。　It　is　therefore　no　exaggeration　if　we　maintain　that　the



tendency　of　the　English　proposals　aims　at　nothing　less　than　the



overthrow　of　the　entire　Germ　an　protective　system；　in　order　to



reduce　Germany　to　the　position　of　an　English　agricultural　colony。



With　this　object　in　view　it　is　impressed　on。the　notice　of　Prussia



how　greatly　her　agriculture　might　gain　by　the　reduction　of　the



English　corn　and　timber　duties；　and　how　unimportant　her



manufacturing　interest　is。　With　the　same　view；　the　prospect　is



offered　to　Prussia　of　a　reduction　of　the　duties　on　brandy。　And　in



order　that　the　other　states　may　not　go　quite　empty　away　a　five　per



cent　reduction　of　the　duties　on　N黵emberg　wares；　children's　toys；



eau　de　Cologne；　and　other　trifles；　is　promised。　That　gives



satisfaction　to　t