the day of the confederacy-第10部分

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as　his　famous　kinsman；　took　up　the　cudgels。　In　a　speech　before
the　Georgia　Legislature；　in　November；　Linton　Stephens　borrowed
almost　exactly　the　Governor's　phraseology　in　denying　the
necessity　for　conscription；　and　this　continued　to　be　the　note　of
their　faction　throughout　the　war。　〃Conscription　checks
enthusiasm；〃　was　ever　their　cry；　〃we　are　invincible　under　a
system　of　volunteering；　we　are　lost　with　conscription。〃

Meanwhile　the　military　authorities　looked　facts　in　the　face　and
had　a　different　tale　to　tell。　They　complained　that　in　various
parts　of　the　country；　especially　in　the　mountain　districts；　they
were　unable　to　obtain　men。　Lee　reported　that　his　army　melted　away
before　his　eye　and　asked　for　an　increase　of　authority　to　compel
stragglers　to　return。　At　the　same　time　Brown　was　quarreling　with
the　Administration　as　to　who　should　name　the　officers　of　the
Georgia　troops。　Zebulon　B。　Vance；　the　newly　elected　Governor　of
North　Carolina　and　an　anti…Davis　man；　said　to　the　Legislature：
〃It　is　mortifying　to　find　entire　brigades　of　North　Carolina
soldiers　commanded　by　strangers；　and　in　many　cases　our　own　brave
and　war…worn　colonels　are　made　to　give　place　to　colonels　from
distant　States。〃　In　addition　to　such　indications　of　discontent　a
vast　mass　of　evidence　makes　plain　the　opposition　to　conscription
toward　the　close　of　1862　and　the　looseness　of　various　parts　of
the　military　system。

It　was　a　moment　of　intense　excitement　and　of　nervous　strain。　The
country　was　unhappy；　for　it　had　lost　faith　in　the　Government　at
Richmond。　The　blockade　was　producing　its　effect。　European
intervention　was　receding　into　the　distance。　One　of　the
characteristics　of　the　editorials　and　speeches　of　this　period　is
a　rising　tide　of　bitterness　against　England。　Napoleon's　proposal
in　November　to　mediate；　though　it　came　to　naught；　somewhat
revived　the　hope　of　an　eventual　recognition　of　the　Confederacy
but　did　not　restore　buoyancy　to　the　people　of　the　South。　The
Emancipation　Proclamation；　though　scoffed　at　as　a　cry　of
impotence；　none　the　less　increased　the　general　sense　of　crisis。

Worst　of　all；　because　of　its　immediate　effect　upon　the　temper　of
the　time；　food　was　very　scarce　and　prices　had　risen　to
indefensible　heights。　The　army　was　short　of　shoes。　In　the
newspapers；　as　winter　came　on；　were　to　be　found　touching
descriptions　of　Lee's　soldiers　standing　barefoot　in　the　snow。　A
flippant　comment　of　Benjamin's；　that　the　shoes　had　probably　been
traded　for　whiskey；　did　not　tend　to　improve　matters。　Even　though
short　of　supplies　themselves；　the　people　as　a　whole　eagerly
subscribed　to　buy　shoes　for　the　army。

There　was　widespread　and　heartless　speculation　in　the　supplies。
Months　previous　the　Courier　had　made　this　ominous　editorial
remark：　〃Speculators　and　monopolists　seem　determined　to　force　the
people　everywhere　to　the　full　exercise　of　all　the　remedies
allowed　by　law。〃　In　August；　1862；　the　Governor　of　Florida　wrote
to　the　Florida　delegation　at　Richmond　urging　them　to　take　steps
to　meet　the　〃nefarious　smuggling〃　of　speculators　who　charged
extortionate　prices。　In　September；　he　wrote　again　begging　for
legislation　to　compel　millers；　tanners；　and　saltmakers　to　offer
their　products　at　reasonable　rates。　As　these　men　were　exempt　from
military　duty　because　their　labor　was　held　to　be　a　public
service；　feeling　against　them　ran　high。　Governor　Vance　proposed　a
state　convention　to　regulate　prices　for　North　Carolina　and　by
proclamation　forbade　the　export　of　provisions　in　order　to　prevent
the　seeking　of　exorbitant　prices　in　other　markets。　Davis　wrote　to
various　Governors　urging　them　to　obtain　state　legislation　to
reduce　extortion　in　the　food　business。　In　the　provisioning　of　the
army　the　Confederate　Government　had　recourse　to　impressment　and
the　arbitrary　fixing　of　prices。　Though　the　Attorney…General　held
this　action　to　be　constitutional；　it　led　to　sharp　contentions；
and　at　length　a　Virginia　court　granted　an　injunction　to　a
speculator　who　had　been　paid　by　the　Government　for　flour　less
than　it　had　cost　him。

In　an　attempt　to　straighten　out　this　tangled　situation；　the
Confederate　Government　began；　late；　in　1862；　by　appointing　as　its
new　Secretary　of　War；*　James　A。　Seddon　of　Virginiaat　that　time
high　in　popular　favor。　The　Mercury　hailed　his　advent　with
transparent　relief；　for　no　appointment　could　have　seemed　to　it
more　promising。　Indeed；　as　the　new　year　（1863）　opened　the　Mercury
was　in　better　humor　with　the　Administration　than　perhaps　at　any
other　time　during　the　war。　To　the　President's　message　it　gave
praise　that　was　almost　cordial。　This　amicable　temper　was
short…lived；　however；　and　three　months　later　the　heavens　had
clouded

*　There　were　in　all　six　Secretaries　of　War：　Leroy　P。　Walker；
until　September　16；　1861；　Judah　P。　Benjamin；　until　March　18；
1862；　George　W。　Randolph；　until　November　17；　1868；　Gustavus　W。
Smith　（temporarily）；　until　November　21；　1862；　James　A。　Seddon；
until　February　6；　1865；　General　John　C。　Breckinridge；　again；　for
the　Government　had　entered　upon　a　course　that　consolidated　the
opposition　in　anger　and　distrust。


Early　in　1863　the　Confederate　Government　presented　to　the　country
a　program　in　which　the　main　features　were　three。　Of　these　the　two
which　did　not　rouse　immediate　hostility　in　the　party　of　the
Examiner　and　the　Mercury　were　the　Impressment　Act　of　March；　1863
（amended　by　successive　acts）；　and　the　act　known　as　the　Tax　in
Kind；　which　was　approved　the　following　month。　Though　the
Impressment　Act　subsequently　made　vast　trouble　for　the
Government；　at　the　time　of　its　passage　its　beneficial　effects
were　not　denied。　To　it　was　attributed　by　the　Richmond　Whig　the
rapid　fall　of　prices　in　April；　1863。　Corn　went　down　at　Richmond
from　12　and　10　a　bushel　to　4。20；　and　flour　dropped　in　North
Carolina　from　45　a　barrel　to　25。　Under　this　act　commissioners
were　appointed　in　each　State　jointly　by　the　Confederate　President
and　the　Governor　with　the　duty　of　fixing　prices　for　government
transactions　and　of　publishing　every　two　months　an　official
schedule　of　the　prices　to　be　paid　by　the　Government　for　the
supplies　which　it　impressed。

The　new　Tax　Act　attempted　to　provide　revenues　which　should　not　be
paid　in　depreciated　currency。　With　no　bullion　to　speak　of；　the
Confederate　Congress　could　not　establish　a　circulating　medium
with　even　an　approximation　to　constant　value。　Realizing　this
situation；　Memminger　had　advised　falling　back　on　the　ancient
system　of　tithes　and　the　support　of　the　Government　by　direct
contributions　of　produce。　After　licensing　a　great　number　of
occupations　and　laying　a　property　tax　and　an　income　tax；　the　new
law　demanded　a　tenth　of　the　produce　of　all　farmers。　On　this　law
the　Mercury　pronounced　a　benediction　in　an　editorial　on　The　Fall
of　Prices；　which　it　attributed　to　〃the　healthy　influence　of　the
tax　bill　which　has　just　become　law。〃*　

*　The　fall　of　prices　was　attributed　by　others　to　a　funding　act；
one　of　several　passed　by　the　Confederate　Congresswhich；　in
March；　1863；　aimed　by　various　devices　to　contract　the　volume　of
the　currency。　It　was　very　generally　condemned；　and　it　anticipated
the　yet　more　drastic　measure；　the　Funding　Act　of　1864；　which　will
be　described　later。


Had　these　two　measures　been　the　whole　program　of　the　Government；
the　congressional　session　of　the　spring　of　1863　would　have　had　a
different　significance　in　Confederate　history。　But　there　was　a
third　measure　that　provoked　a　new　attack　on　the　Government。　The
gracious　words　of　the　Mercury　on　the　tax　in　kind　came　as　an
interlude　in　the　midst　of　a　bitter　controversy。　An　editorial　of
the　12th　of　March　headed　〃A　Despotism　over　the　Confederate　States
Proposed　in　Congress〃　amounted　to　a　declaration　of　war。　From　this
time　forward　the　opposition　and　the　Government　drew　steadily
further　and　further　apart　and　their　antagonism　grew　steadily　more
relentless。

What　caused　this　irrevocable　breach　was　a　bill　introduced　into
the　House　by　Ethelbert　Barksdale　of　Mississippi；　an　old　friend　of
President　Davis。　This　bill　would　have　invested　the　President　with
authority　to　suspend　the　privilege　of　the　writ　of　habeas　corpus
in　any　part　of　the　Confederacy；　whenever　in　his　judgment　such
suspension　was　desirable。　The　first　act　suspending　the　privilege
of　habeas　corpus　had　long　since　expired　and　applied　only　to　such
regions　as　were　threatened　with　invasion。　It　had　served　usefully
under　martial　law　in　cleansing　Richmond　of　its　rogues；　and　also
had　been　in　force　at　Charleston。　The　Mercury　had　approved　it　and
had　exhorted　its　readers　to　take　the　matter　sensibly　as　an
inevitable　detail　of　war。　Between　that　act　and　the　act　now
proposed　the　Mercury　saw　no　similarity。　Upon　the　merits　of　the
question　it　fought　a　furious　journalistic　duel　with　the　Enquirer；
the　government　organ　at　Richmond；　which　insisted　that　President
Davis　would　not　abuse　his　power。　The　Mercury　replied　that　if　he
〃were　a　second　Washington；　or　an　angel　upon　earth；　the
degradation　such　a　surrender　of　our　rights　implies　would　still　be
abhorrent　to　every　freeman。〃　In　retort　the　Enquirer　pointed　out
that　a　similar　law　had　been　enacted　by　another　Congress　with　no
bad　results。　And　in　point　of　fact　the　Enquirer　was　right；　for　in
October；　1862；　after　the　expiration　of　the　first　act　suspending
the　privilege　of　the　writ　of　habeas　corpus；　Congress　passed　a
second　giving　to　the　President　the　immense　power　which　was　now
claimed　for　him　again。　This　second　act　was　in　force　several
months。　Then　the　Mercury　made　the　astounding　declaration　that　it
had　never　heard　of　the　second　act；　and　thereupon　proceeded　to
attack　the　secrecy　of　the　Administration　with　renewed　vigor。

On　this　issue　of　reviving　the　expired　second　Habeas　Corpus　Act；　a
battle　royal　was　fought　in　the　Confederate　Congress。　The　forces
of　the　Administration　defended　the　new　measure　on　the　ground
that　various　regions　were　openly　seditious　and　that　conscription
could　not　be　enforced　without　it。　This　argument　gave　a　new　text
for　the　cry　of　〃despotism。〃　The　congressional　leader　of　the
opposition　was　Henry　S。　Foote；　once　the　rival　of　Davis　in
Mississippi　and　now　a　citizen　of　Tennessee。　Fierce；　vindictive；
sometimes　convincing；　always　shrewd；　he　was　a　powerful　leader　of
the　rough　and　r