the day of the confederacy-第11部分

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sometimes　convincing；　always　shrewd；　he　was　a　powerful　leader　of
the　rough　and　ready；　buccaneering　sort。　Under　his　guidance　the
debate　was　diverted　into　a　rancorous　discussion　of　the　conduct　of
the　general's　in　the　execution　of　martial　law。　Foote　pulled　out
all　the　stops　in　the　organ　of　political　rhetoric　and　went　in　for
a　chant　royal　of　righteous　indignation。　The　main　object　of　this
attack　was　General　Hindman　and　his　doings　in　Arkansas。　Those　were
still　the　days　of　pamphleteering。　Though　General　Albert　Pike　had
written　a　severe　pamphlet　condemning　Hindman；　to　this　pamphlet
the　Confederate　Government　had　shut　its　eyes。　Foote；　however；
flourished　it　in　the　face　of　the　House。　He　thundered　forth　his
belief　that　Hindman　was　worse　even　than　the　man　most　detested　in
the　South；　than　〃beast　Butler　himself；　for　the　latter　is　only
charged　with　persecuting　and　oppressing　the　avowed　enemies　of　his
Government；　while　Hindman；　if　guilty　as　charged；　has　practised
cruelties　unnumbered〃　on　his　people。　Other　representatives　spoke
in　the　same　vein。　Baldwin　of　Virginia　told　harrowing　tales　of
martial　law　in　that　State。　Barksdale　attempted　to　retaliate；
sarcastically　reminding　him　of　a　recent　scene　of　riot　and
disorder　which　proved　that　martial　law；　in　any　effective　form；
did　not　exist　in　Virginia。　He　alluded　to　a　riot；　ostensibly　for
bread；　in　which　an　Amazonian　woman　had　led　a　mob　to　the　pillaging
of　the　Richmond　jewelry　shops；　a　riot　which　Davis　himself　had
quelled　by　meeting　the　rioters　and　threatening　to　fire　upon　them。
But　sarcasm　proved　powerless　against　Foote。　His　climax　was　a
lurid　tale　of　a　soldier　who　while　marching　past　his　own　house
heard　that　his　wife　was　dying；　who　left　the　ranks　for　a　last　word
with　her；　and　who　on　rejoining　the　command；　〃hoping　to　get
permission　to　bury　her；〃　was　shot　as　a　deserter。　And　there　was　no
one　on　the　Government　benches　to　anticipate　Kipling　and　cry　out
〃flat　art！〃　Resolutions　condemning　martial　law　were　passed　by　a
vote　of　45　to　27。

Two　weeks　later　the　Mercury　preached　a　burial　sermon　over　the
Barksdale　Bill；　which　had　now　been　rejected　by　the　House。
Congress　was　about　to　adjourn；　and　before　it　reassembled
elections　for　the　next　House　would　be　held。　〃The　measure　is　dead
for　the　present；〃　said　the　Mercury；　〃but　power　is　ever　restive
and　prone　to　accumulate　power；　and　if　the　war　continues；　other
efforts　will　doubtless　be　made　to　make　the　President　a　Dictator。
Let　the　people　keep　their　eyes　steadily　fixed　on　their
representatives　with　respect　to　this　vital　matter；　and　should　the
effort　again　be　made　to　suspend　the　Habeas　Corpus　Act；　demand
that　a　recorded　vote　should　show　those　who　shall　strike　down
their　liberties。〃



　Chapter　V。　The　Critical　Year

The　great　military　events　of　the　year　1863　have　pushed　out　of
men's　memories　the　less　dramatic　but　scarcely　less　important
civil　events。　To　begin　with；　in　this　year　two　of　the　greatest
personalities　in　the　South　passed　from　the　political　stage：　in
the　summer　Yancey　died；　and　in　the　autumn；　Rhett　went　into
retirement。

The　ever　malicious　Pollard　insists　that　Yancey's　death　was　due
ultimately　to　a　personal　encounter　with　a　Senator　from　Georgia　on
the　floor　of　the　Senate。　The　curious　may　find　the　discreditable
story　embalmed　in　the　secret　journal　of　the　Senate；　where　are　the
various　motions　designed　to　keep　the　incident　from　the　knowledge
of　the　world。　Whether　it　really　caused　Yancey's　death　is　another
question。　However；　the　moment　of　his　passing　has　dramatic
significance。　Just　as　the　battle　over　conscription　was　fully
begun；　when　the　fear　that　the　Confederate　Government　had　arrayed
itself　against　the　rights　of　the　States　had　definitely　taken
shape；　when　this　dread　had　been　reenforced　by　the　alarm　over　the
suspension　of　habeas　corpus；　the　great　pioneer　of　the　secession
movement　went　to　his　grave；　despairing　of　the　country　he　had
failed　to　lead。　His　death　occurred　in　the　same　month　as　the
Battle　of　Gettysburg；　at　the　very　time　when　the　Confederacy　was
dividing　against　itself。

The　withdrawal　of　Rhett　from　active　life　was　an　incident　of　the
congressional　elections。　He　had　consented　to　stand　for　Congress
in　the　Third　District　of　South　Carolina　but　was　defeated。　The
full　explanation　of　the　vote　is　still　to　be　made　plain；　it　seems
clear；　however；　that　South　Carolina　at　this　time　knew　its　own
mind　quite　positively。　Five　of　the　six　representatives　returned
to　the　Second　Congress；　including　Rhett's　opponent；　Lewis　M。
Ayer；　had　sat　in　the　First　Congress。　The　subsequent　history　of
the　South　Carolina　delegation　and　of　the　State　Government　shows
that　by　1863　South　Carolina　had　become；　broadly　speaking；　on
almost　all　issues　an　anti…Davis　State。　And　yet　the　largest
personality　and　probably　the　ablest　mind　in　the　State　was
rejected　as　a　candidate　for　Congress。　No　character　in　American
history　is　a　finer　challenge　to　the　biographer　than　this　powerful
figure　of　Rhett；　who　in　1861　at　the　supreme　crisis　of　his　life
seemed　the　master　of　his　world　and　yet　in　every　lesser　crisis　was
a　comparative　failure。　As　in　Yancey；　so　in　Rhett；　there　was
something　that　fitted　him　to　one　great　moment　but　did　not　fit　him
to　others。　There　can　be　little　doubt　that　his　defeat　at　the　polls
of　his　own　district　deeply　mortified　him。　He　withdrew　from
politics；　and　though　he　doubtless；　through　the　editorship　of　one
of　his　sons；　inspired　the　continued　opposition　of　the　Mercury　to
the　Government；　Rhett　himself　hardly　reappears　in　Confederate
history　except　for　a　single　occasion　during　the　debate　a　year
later　upon　the　burning　question　of　arming　the　slaves。

The　year　was　marked　by　very　bitter　attacks　upon　President　Davis
on　the　part　of　the　opposition　press。　The　Mercury　revived　the
issue　of　the　conduct　of　the　war　which　had　for　some　time　been
overshadowed　by　other　issues。　In　the　spring；　to　be　sure；　things
had　begun　to　look　brighter；　and　Chancellorsville　had　raised　Lee's
reputation　to　its　zenith。　The　disasters　of　the　summer；　Gettysburg
and　Vicksburg；　were　for　a　time　minimized　by　the　Government　and　do
not　appear　to　have　caused　the　alarm　which　their　strategic
importance　might　well　have　created。　But　when　in　the　latter　days
of　July　the　facts　became　generally　known；　the　Mercury　arraigned
the　President's　conduct　of　the　war　as　〃a　vast　complication　of
incompetence　and　folly〃；　it　condemned　the　whole　scheme　of　the
Northern　invasion　and　maintained　that　Lee　should　have　stood　on
the　defensive　while　twenty　or　thirty　thousand　men　were　sent　to
the　relief　of　Vicksburg。　These　two　ideas　it　bitterly　reiterated
and　in　August　went　so　far　as　to　quote　Macaulay's　famous　passage
on　Parliament's　dread　of　a　decisive　victory　over　Charles　and　to
apply　it　to　Davis　in　unrestrained　language　that　reminds　one　of
Pollard。

Equally　unrestrained　were　the　attacks　upon　other　items　of　the
policy　of　the　Confederate　Government。　The　Impressment　Law　began
to　be　a　target。　Farmers　who　were　compelled　to　accept　the　prices
fixed　by　the　impressment　commissioners　cried　out　that　they　were
being　ruined。　Men　of　the　stamp　of　Toombs　came　to　their　assistance
with　railing　accusations　such　as　this：　〃I　have　heard　it　said　that
we　should　not　sacrifice　liberty　to　independence；　but　I　tell　you；
my　countrymen；　that　the　two　are　inseparable。。。。　　If　we　lose
our　liberty　we　shall　lose　our　independence。。。。　　I　would　rather
see　the　whole　country　the　cemetery　of　freedom　than　the　habitation
of　slaves。〃　Protests　which　poured　in　upon　the　Government　insisted
that　the　power　to　impress　supplies　did　not　carry　with　it　the
power　to　fix　prices。　Worthy　men；　ridden　by　the　traditional　ideas
of　political　science　and　unable　to　modify　these　in　the　light　of
the　present　emergency；　wailed　out　their　despair　over　the
〃usurpation〃　of　Richmond。

The　tax　in　kind　was　denounced　in　the　same　vein。　The　licensing
provisions　of　this　law　and　its　income　tax　did　not　satisfy　the
popular　imagination。　These　provisions　concerned　the　classes　that
could　borrow。　The　classes　that　could　not　borrow；　that　had　no
resources　but　their　crops；　felt　that　they　were　being　driven　to
the　wall。　The　bitter　saying　went　around　that　it　was　〃a　rich　man's
war　and　a　poor　man's　fight。〃　As　land　and　slaves　were　not　directly
taxed；　the　popular　discontent　appeared　to　have　ground　for　its
anger。　Furthermore；　it　must　never　be　forgotten　that　this　was　the
first　general　tax　that　the　poor　people　of　the　South　were　ever
conscious　of　paying。　To　people　who　knew　the　tax…gatherer　as
little　more　than　a　mythical　being；　he　suddenly　appeared　like　a
malevolent　creature　who　swept　off　ruthlessly　the　tenth　of　their
produce。　It　is　not　strange　that　an　intemperate　reaction　against
the　planters　and　their　leadership　followed。　The　illusion　spread
that　they　were　not　doing　their　share　of　the　fighting；　and　as　rich
men　were　permitted　to　hire　substitutes　to　represent　them　in　the
army；　this　really　baseless　report　was　easily　propped　up　in　the
public　mind　with　what　appeared　to　be　reason。

In　North　Carolina；　where　the　peasant　farmer　was　a　larger
political　factor　than　in　any　other　State；　this　feeling　against
the　Confederate　Government　because　of　the　tax　in　kind　was　most
dangerous。　In　the　course　of　the　summer；　while　the　military
fortunes　of　the　Confederacy　were　toppling　at　Vicksburg　and
Gettysburg；　the　North　Carolina　farmers　in　a　panic　of
self…preservation　held　numerous　meetings　of　protest　and
denunciation。　They　expressed　their　thoughtless　terror　in
resolutions　asserting　that　the　action　of　Congress　〃in　secret
session；　without　consulting　with　their　constituents　at　home；
taking　from　the　hard　laborers　of　the　Confederacy　one…tenth　of　the
people's　living；　instead　of　taking　back　their　own　currency　in
tax；　is　unjust　and　tyrannical。〃　Other　resolutions　called　the　tax
〃unconstitutional；　anti…republican；　and　oppressive〃；　and　still
others　pledged　the　farmers　〃to　resist　to　the　bitter　end　any　such
monarchical　tax。〃

A　leader　of　the　discontented　in　North　Carolina　was　found　in　W。　W。
Holden；　the　editor　of　the　Raleigh　Progress；　who　before　the　war
had　attempted　to　be　spokesman　for　the　men　of　small　property　by
advocating　taxes　on　slaves　and　similar　measures。　He　proposed　as
the　conclusion　of　the　whole　matter　the　opening　of　negotiations
for　peace。　We　shal