the day of the confederacy-第23部分

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the　most　interesting　state　papers　of　the　Confederacy。　It　should
be　noted　that　the　suggestions　thrown　out　in　this　way　by　the
Administration　to　test　public　feeling　involved　three　distinct
questions：　Should　the　slaves　be　given　arms？　Should　they；　if
employed　as　soldiers；　be　given　their　freedom？　Should　this
revolutionary　scheme；　if　accepted　at　all；　be　handled　by　the
general　Government　or　left　to　the　several　States？　On　the　last　of
the　three　questions　the　Governor　of　Virginia　was　silent；　by
implication　he　treated　the　matter　as　a　concern　of　the　States。
Upon　the　first　and　second　questions；　however；　he　was　explicit　and
advised　arming　the　slaves。　He　then　added：

〃Even　if　the　result　were　to　emancipate　our　slaves；　there　is　not　a
man　who　would　not　cheerfully　put　the　negro　into　the　Army　rather
than　become　a　slave　himself　to　our　hated　and　vindictive　foe。　It
is；　then；　simply　a　question　of　time。　Has　the　time　arrived　when
this　issue　is　fairly　before　us？　。。。For　my　part　standing　before
God　and　my　country；　I　do　not　hesitate　to　say　that　I　would　arm
such　portion　of　our　able…bodied　slave　population　as　may　be
necessary；　and　put　them　in　the　field；　so　as　to　have　them　ready
for　the　spring　campaign；　even　if　it　resulted　in　the　freedom　of
those　thus　organized。　Will　I　not　employ　them　to　fight　the　negro
force　of　the　enemy？　Aye；　the　Yankees　themselves；　who　already
boast　that　they　have　200；000　of　our　slaves　in　arms　against　us。
Can　we　hesitate；　can　we　doubt；　when　the　question　is；　whether　the
enemy　shall　use　our　slaves　against　us　or　we　use　them　against　him；
when　the　question　may　be　between　liberty　and　independence　on　the
one　hand；　or　our　subjugation　and　utter　ruin　on　the　other？〃

With　their　Governor　as　leader　for　the　Administration；　the
Virginians　found　this　issue　the　absorbing　topic　of　the　hour。　And
now　the　great　figure　of　Lee　takes　its　rightful　place　at　the　very
center　of　Confederate　history；　not　only　military　but　civil；　for
to　Lee　the　Virginia　politicians　turned　for　advice。*　In　a　letter
to　a　State　Senator　of　Virginia　who　had　asked　for　a　public
expression　of　Lee's　views　because　〃a　mountain　of　prejudices；　
growing　out　of　our　ancient　modes　of　regarding　the　institution　of　
Southern　slavery　will　have　to　be　met　and　overcome〃　in　order　to　
Attain　unanimity；　Lee　discussed　both　the　institution　of　slavery　
and　the　situation　of　the　moment。　He　plainly　intimated　that
slavery　
should　be　placed　under　state　control；　and；　assuming　such　control；

he　considered　〃the　relation　of　master　and　slave。。。the　best　that
can　exist　between　the　black　and　white　races　while　intermingled　as
at　present　in　this　country。〃　He　went　on　to　show；　however；　that
military　necessity　now　compelled　a　revolution　in　sentiment　on
this　subject；　and　he　came　at　last　to　this　momentous　conclusion：

*　Lee　now　revealed　himself　in　his　previously　overlooked　capacity
of　statesman。　Whether　his　abilities　in　this　respect　equaled　his
abilities　as　a　soldier　need　not　here　be　considered；　it　is　said
that　he　himself　had　no　high　opinion　of　them。　However；　in　the
advice　which　he　gave　at　this　final　moment　of　crisis；　he　expressed
a　definite　conception　of　the　articulation　of　civil　forces　in　such
a　system　as　that　of　the　Confederacy。　He　held　that　all　initiative
upon　basal　matters　should　remain　with　the　separate　States；　that
the　function　of　the　general　Government　was　to　administer；　not　to
create　conditions；　and　that　the　proper　power　to　constrain　the
State　Legislatures　was　the　flexible；　extra…legal　power　of　public
opinion。

〃Should　the　war　continue　under　existing　circumstances；　the　enemy
may　in　course　of　time　penetrate　our　country　and　get　access　to　a
large　part　of　our　negro　population。　It　is　his　avowed　policy　to
convert　the　able…bodied　men　among　them　into　soldiers；　and　to
emancipate　all。。。。　His　progress　will　thus　add　to　his　numbers；
and　at　the　same　time　destroy　slavery　in　a　manner　most　pernicious
to　the　welfare　of　our　people。　Their　negroes　will　be　used　to　hold
them　in　subjection；　leaving　the　remaining　force　of　the　enemy　free
to　extend　his　conquest。　Whatever　may　be　the　effect　of　our
employing　negro　troops；　it　cannot　be　as　mischievous　as　this。　If
it　end　in　subverting　slavery　it　will　be　accomplished　by
ourselves；　and　we　can　devise　the　means　of　alleviating　the　evil
consequences　to　both　races。　I　think；　therefore；　we　must　decide
whether　slavery　shall　be　extinguished　by　our　enemies　and　the
slaves　be　used　against　us；　or　use　them　ourselves　at　the　risk　of
the　effects　which　may　be　produced　upon　our　social
institutions。。。〃

〃The　reasons　that　induce　me　to　recommend　the　employment　of　negro
troops　at　all　render　the　effect　of　the　measures。。。upon
slavery　immaterial；　and　in　my　opinion　the　best　means　of　securing
the　efficiency　and　fidelity　of　this　auxiliary　force　would　be　to
accompany　the　measure　with　a　well…digested　plan　of　gradual　and
general　emancipation。　As　that　will　be　the　result　of　the
continuance　of　the　war；　and　will　certainly　occur　if　the　enemy
succeed；　it　seems　to　me　most　advisable　to　adopt　it　at　once；　and
thereby　obtain　all　the　benefits　that　will　accrue　to　our　cause。。。〃

〃I　can　only　say　in　conclusion；　that　whatever　measures　are　to　be
adopted　should　be　adopted　at　once。　Every　day's　delay　increases
the　difficulty。　Much　time　will　be　required　to　organize　and
discipline　the　men；　and　action　may　be　deferred　until　it　is　too
late。〃

Lee　wrote　these　words　on　January　11；　1865。　At　that　time　a　fresh
wave　of　despondency　had　gone　over　the　South　because　of　Hood's
rout　at　Nashville；　Congress　was　debating　intermittently　the
possible　arming　of　the　slaves；　and　the　newspapers　were
prophesying　that　the　Administration　would　presently　force　the
issue。　It　is　to　be　observed　that　Lee　did　not　advise　Virginia　to
wait　for　Confederate　action。　He　advocated　emancipation　by　the
State。　After　all；　to　both　Lee　and　Smith；　Virginia　was　their
〃country。〃

During　the　next　sixty　days　Lee　rejected　two　great
opportunitiesor；　if　you　will；　put　aside　two　great　temptations。
If　tradition　is　to　be　trusted；　it　was　during　January　that　Lee
refused　to　play　the　role　of　Cromwell　by　declining　to　intervene
directly　in　general　Confederate　politics。　But　there　remained　open
the　possibility　of　his　intervention　in　Virginia　politics；　and　the
local　crisis　was　in　its　own　way　as　momentous　as　the　general
crisis。　What　if　Virginia　had　accepted　the　views　of　Lee　and
insisted　upon　the　immediate　arming　of　the　slaves？　Virginia；
however；　did　not　do　so；　and　Lee；　having　made　public　his　position；
refrained　from　further　participation。　Politically　speaking；　he
maintained　a　splendid　isolation　at　the　head　of　the　armies。

Through　January　and　February　the　Virginia　crisis　continued
undetermined。　In　this　period　of　fateful　hesitation；　the
〃mountains　of　prejudice〃　proved　too　great　to　be　undermined　even
by　the　influence　of　Lee。　When　at　last　Virginia　enacted　a　law
permitting　the　arming　of　her　slaves；　no　provision　was　made　for
their　manumission。

Long　before　the　passage　of　this　act　in　Virginia；　Congress　had
become　the　center　of　the　controversy。　Davis　had　come　to　the　point
where　no　tradition　however　cherished　would　stand；　in　his　mind；
against　the　needs　of　the　moment。　To　reinforce　the　army　in　great
strength　was　now　his　supreme　concern；　and　he　saw　but　one　way　to
do　it。　As　a　last　resort　he　was　prepared　to　embrace　the　bold　plan
which　so　many　people　still　regarded　with　horror　and　which　as　late
as　the　previous　November　he　himself　had　opposed。　He　would　arm　the
slaves。　On　February　10；　1865；　bills　providing　for　the　arming　of
the　slaves　were　introduced　both　in　the　House　and　in　the　Senate。

On　this　issue　all　the　forces　both　of　the　Government　and　the
opposition　fought　their　concluding　duel　in　which　were　involved
all　the　other　basal　issues　that　had　distracted　the　country　since
1862。　Naturally　there　was　a　bewildering　criss…cross　of　political
motives。　There　were　men　who；　like　Smith　and　Lee；　would　go　along
with　the　Government　on　emancipation；　provided　it　was　to　be
carried　out　by　the　free　will　of　the　States。　There　were　others　who
preferred　subjugation　to　the　arming　of　the　slaves；　and　among
these　there　were　clashings　of　motive。　Then；　too；　there　were　those
who　were　willing　to　arm　the　slaves　but　were　resolved　not　to　give
them　their　freedom。

The　debate　brings　to　the　front　of　the　political　stage　the　figure
of　R。　M。　T。　Hunter。　Hitherto　his　part　has　not　been　conspicuous
either　as　Secretary　of　State　or　as　Senator　from　Virginia。　He　now
becomes；　in　the　words　of　Davis；　〃a　chief　obstacle〃　to　the　passage
of　the　Senate　bill　which　would　have　authorized　a　levy　of　negro
troops　and　provided　for　their　manumission　by　the　War　Department
with　the　consent　of　the　State　in　which　they　should　be　at　the　time
of　the　proposed　manumission。　After　long　discussion；　this　bill　was
indefinitely　postponed。　Meanwhile　a　very　different　bill　had
dragged　through　the　House。　While　it　was　under　debate；　another
appeal　was　made　to　Lee。　Barksdale；　who　came　as　near　as　any　one　to
being　the　leader　of　the　Administration；　sought　Lee's　aid。　Again
the　General　urged　the　enrollment　of　negro　soldiers　and　their
eventual　manumission；　but　added　this　immensely　significant
proviso：

〃I　have　no　doubt　that　if　Congress　would　authorize　their　＇the
negroes'＇　reception　into　service；　and　empower　the　President　to
call　upon　individuals　or　States　for　such　as　they　are　willing　to
contribute；　with　the　condition　of　emancipation　to　all　enrolled；　a
sufficient　number　would　be　forthcoming　to　enable　us　to　try　the
experiment　＇of　determining　whether　the　slaves　would　make　good
soldiers＇。　If　it　proved　successful；　most　of　the　objections　to　the
measure　would　disappear；　and　if　individuals　still　remained
unwilling　to　send　their　negroes　to　the　army；　the　force　of　public
opinion　in　the　States　would　soon　bring　about　such　legislation　as
would　remove　all　obstacles。　I　think　the　matter　should　be　left；　as
far　as　possible；　to　the　people　and　to　the　States；　which　alone　can
legislate　as　the　necessities　of　this　particular　service　may
require。〃

The　fact　that　Congress　had　before　it　this　advice　from　Lee
explains　why　all　factions　accepted　a　compromise　bill；　passed　on
the　9th　of　March；　approved　by　the　President　on　the　13th　of　March；
and　issued　to　the　country　in　a　general　order　on　the　23d　of　March。
It　e